Sentences with phrase «as social liberals»

«I don't think of them as social liberals who wanted to overthrow the government,» she added.

A depressing conclusion, but what can we as social liberals do?

He defined himself as a social liberal one - note candidate.

The 73 - year - old financial information industry billionaire, who earned a reputation as a social liberal with strong Wall Street ties during his time as New York City mayor, has considered a White House run for years.

I find it cringe inducing as a social liberal to have my views lumped in with some of those in government.

She self - identifies, however, as a social liberal and «multi-party candidate,» and claims she has received the support of many of her Democratic friends and neighbors.

Crucially the two groups now find organisational form in the Lib Dems as the Social Liberal Forum, and with one foot in the Labour party as Compass.

Not exact matches

Not only are Johnson and Weld social liberals and fiscal conservatives, they espouse views traditionally associated with moderate Republican candidates on the economy, such as favoring international trade agreements and reducing the national debt.

While the 20th century will be remembered as the era of failed social humanism, with the fall of communism and a move away from socialistic values, liberal humanism seems to be taking hold in our society.

However, the Liberal platform also envisaged temporary deficits to finance higher spending on social programs such as child benefits, a higher Guaranteed Income Supplement for single seniors, public health care, child care and First Nations programs, and did not increase overall federal tax revenues.

O'Leary say his chief goal is to find a way to bring down the current Liberal government, and he feels he can use his considerable social media and television presence to do that as party leader or by supporting another candidate.

This habit is shared, not only by revolutionaries, but also by constitutionally - minded socialists, and even by many who would describe themselves as liberals, and who locate the instrument of social transformation not in violent confrontation, but in law.

If those guys are largely right about the incentive factors that would then come into play (and especially if Americans were moderating their economic libertarianism with devotion to family, virtue, community, and God, as your work would urge them to), then by no means would that cause the social welfare policy disaster most liberals assume it would.

If millennials are only looking for alignment between their social views and the church, why is membership falling in liberal churches as well?

The liberal superstition that in political and social questions there is such a thing as pure, unmanipulated truth, seems to enjoy remarkable currency among the socialist Left.

It flourished as a social phenomenon in Russia during the reign of Alexander II, one of the most liberal czars, who was ultimately killed in a terrorist act.

One of the biggest fallouts (to oversimplify) then was that conservatives cared about personal morality and not involvement in social ethics / issues of evil, while liberals cared about social ethics / issues but were seen as lax about morality.

If they ever floated into view, unless chapter and verse were also quoted in a very circumscribed context, they were dismissed as «liberal», «socialist», «unrealistic», «under the law», «wimpy do - good social gospel» — you get the drift.

The problem is that a basic tenet of classical liberalism — a tenet generally accepted in the Western world by «liberals,» as well as by many «conservatives» — is that differences regarding fundamental principles of human nature and morality are not a threat to social and political life.

Broadly speaking, we may characterize the civic project of American Christianity as the attempt to harmonize Christianity and liberal order and to anchor American public philosophy in the substance of Protestant morality, Catholic social teaching, or some version of natural law that might qualify as public reason.

The liberal elite who occupy the positions of influence in deciding cases under human rights or equality laws tend to use them as a tool to achieve the results that conform to the fashionable values they have absorbed or which prevail in the social environments in which they live, are educated and work.

This dual focus on reason and ethics similarly explains the close attention religious liberals have paid to the sciences — physics as a source for better cosmologies, and the biological and social sciences as a source for both ethics and philosophies of history.

As for the survival of the fittest, contemporary liberals have attempted to separate Darwin from Social Darwinism, but Darwin's own words advocating severe struggle show us quite clearly that he was the first Social Darwinist.

The communitarian critique of liberalism, whatever one may think of it as philosophy, has succeeded in reminding liberals that liberalism does have social and cultural presuppositions, and that these must be attended to if liberalism is to survive.

In other contexts, such as that of social action, we may want liberals to be more assertive about convictions that divide them from others; to be willing, for example, to call a social policy unchristian that they think is unchristian.

One appropriate response for the religious liberal, as for the social scientist, is to inquire very closely just what sort of past we are being asked to return to.

Given the latest medical data concerning the distinct characteristics of the fetus and its ability to survive outside the womb at a startlingly early age, it is little wonder that in the past few years several of the denominations that once took a more open position on abortion have retreated somewhat: the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) is now studying the issue; in a 1980 statement on social principles, the UMC moved to a more qualified position; the Episcopal Church and the recently formed Evangelical Lutheran Church in America seem to be in the process of toning down their earlier positions (or those of a predecessor body) The Lutherans defeated a resolution in their 1989 Assembly which would have been consistent with the liberal position of the LCA predecessor body, and a 1988 Lutheran - Episcopal dialogue report refers to the fetus as «embryonic humanity» with claims on society.

Opinion polls show that these members are as liberal on economic issues as members of mainline denominations, even when social class and race are taken into account.

The inability of the Gallicanist state to co-opt Catholicism's social energy exposed a tension inherent in liberal democracy: between the people empowered as a sovereign whole, on one hand, and those partial societies of individuals which diversify the nation, on the other.

Much else — in the realms, for example, of piety, of doctrine and of social zeal — can be seen as vital to the revivification of a distinctive liberal witness.

Therefore, while the Kingdom can not be directly equated with the social gospel, as American liberal theology has tended to do, the impulse to social action in order to help persons — whether individually or corporately — is in keeping with his spirit and is a legitimate derivative from his message.

Does liberal Protestantism — as a species of thought, faith and social commitment — have a future?

Along with Anthony Appiah and other current writers about the university, she acknowledges the intrinsic value of study (her most recent book on the topic is titled Not for Profit), while ultimately defending the value of liberal arts as essential for social and political progress.

Despite its age, the liberal Protestant metanarrative continues to influence not only religious studies but also, as Milbank shows, the social sciences of religion.

As I got older I responded to these questions out of a liberation faith informed by my own religious and social action experience and by the thought of various liberal, neo-orthodox and liberation theologians.

By taking the lead in pushing the (phony) contraception issue and the (real) abortion issue, Udall didn't just define himself as someone who is a social liberal.

Orwin goes on to say that Liberal Democracy doesn't work like that in practice because it actually assumes a particular conception of the good: «For so long as you observe prevailing liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.Liberal Democracy doesn't work like that in practice because it actually assumes a particular conception of the good: «For so long as you observe prevailing liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.»

Niebuhr said that the relevant norm for political decisions and social policy is not love, as the liberals had claimed, but justice.

Having endured for half a century a Court that seized authority not confided to it to lay down as unalterable law a liberal social agenda nowhere to be found in the actual Constitution of the United States, conservatives must decide whether they want a Court that behaves in the same way but in the service of their agenda.

The idea of neoconservatism as a liberal plot to highjack conservatism for the left might seem hopelessly dated» the social democratic wing of neoconservatism disappeared long ago» but it remains vibrantly alive in the pages of journals like Chronicles and in the imaginations of ideologues attracted to the candidacy of Pat Buchanan.

He is liberal enough to call Cardinal Ottaviani a «reactionary» but conservative enough to comment that Rocco Buttiglione» rejected as justice minister for the European Union because of his traditional social beliefs» was subject to a «secularist media witch - hunt.»

Accordingly, the social sciences may be expected to play an increasingly important role in liberal learning, as it becomes ever more evident that the conditions of human existence are not simply imposed by fate, nor the results of the interplay of blind, impersonal forces, but the consequences of deliberale human action.

Nineteenth - century Protestantism tended to bifurcate into liberal, social - Gospel progressivism, such as Unitarianism, and the emotional, «backwater,» Calvinistic Evangelicalism of the South and the rural countryside, with its implacably distant and masculine God as Judge.

In spite of differences on the ethical problem all Christian liberals conceived of ethical social action as rooted in a religious conception of the meaning of that action and with a religious faith which gives hope for its success.

We may well join authentic non-Christian liberals in trying to make future social conditions as tolerable as possible, while avoiding the totalitarian dictatorship of classical communism such as is still practiced today.

As the social gospel came to be regarded as an aberration of liberal theology, discussion of the kingdom from this standpoint was interrupteAs the social gospel came to be regarded as an aberration of liberal theology, discussion of the kingdom from this standpoint was interrupteas an aberration of liberal theology, discussion of the kingdom from this standpoint was interrupted.

However, as one long - time evangelical leader told me, his community has also felt the continuing effects of cultural and social «intimidation» by the largely liberal and secular Oregon establishment.

The point I am leading up to is that for many laymen the gospel of liberal social activism offered to them by many pastors, denominational headquarters, and ecumenical leaders has not come as good news.

Although many observers see this growth only as evidence of the increasing irrelevance of religion, the nonreligious represent an important cultural group, as liberal on social issues as the most committed religious people are conservative.

Important as it is, however, this change has been along lines familiar to me from my background in liberal theology, including the tradition of the social gospel, and thus is a matter of deepening and broadening my thinking more than of substantially revising it.