Sentences with phrase «as the abortion decision»

That seems to me the same issue as the abortion decision, except that the unborn child has a great deal longer to live if you don't press that particular button.

Not exact matches

Before the 1970s, evangelicals voted as often for Democrats as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.

And based on the decisions he's made such as declaring June to be gay month, being for abortions and trying to add another gender other then male and female!!

I am absolutely against abortions, but my beliefs should not effect your decisions as your decisions should not effect mine.

Suffice it to say that I believe the morality of a given abortion decision is subject to the competing interests present in that particular situation (e.g. life of the mother, incest, ra - pe, severe defects, severe economic hardship to already existing siblings, etc, v. abortion as birth control, pure personal convenience, etc).

As I noted before, the morality of a decision to terminate a pregnancy, IMHO, turns on a host of legitimate competing interests (e.g. life of the mother, ra - pe, incest, deprivations to already existing siblings v. abortion as birth control, pure convenience, etcAs I noted before, the morality of a decision to terminate a pregnancy, IMHO, turns on a host of legitimate competing interests (e.g. life of the mother, ra - pe, incest, deprivations to already existing siblings v. abortion as birth control, pure convenience, etcas birth control, pure convenience, etc).

Since the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in R. v. Morgentaler (1988) holding even relatively minor criminal code restrictions on abortion contrary to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (on similar» and similarly spurious» grounds as those of the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade), Canada has been without restrictions on abortion.

And we can forget opennes on abortion, stem cell research and let people make their own decisions as to how to die.

Cause that decision is made all the time and it's no where as big as abortion.

The grandparents of today who accepted this consent with relief became in some cases the «condoning generation» with regard to abortion in difficult cases with the result that many mothers today, even within our own community, carry the burden of a decision that was sold to them as a solution to their problem pregnancy.

Lastman takes a brave look at the inner forum too: the violation of our conscience, the mental processing involved in making an abortion decision and the de-humanising language we often employ as a society to assuage our conscience.

Throughout Hartshorne's work love has been the standard by which decisions are best determined, yet he fails to think as broadly on abortion as he does on most other philosophical questions.

Patriotism demanded that the Germans submit, just as we are reminded that unless we submit to the ukase of the Court on the abortion decision, the Court's very legitimacy will come into doubt.

Some may have had no part to play in the abortion decision their spouse or partner made years previously, but they are living with the consequences of that decision and may want to accompany their partner in seeking healing as a couple; other men go to seek healing for the wound at the heart of their own abortion experience.

Justice Antonin Scalia declares in Stenberg v. Carhart that he is «optimistic enough to believe» that the decision constitutionally protecting partial «birth abortion will «one day... be assigned its rightful place in the history of this Court's jurisprudence beside Korematsu [validating internment of Japanese «Americans during World War II] and Dred Scott [holding white supremacy and racial slavery as fundamental tenets of American constitutionalism].»

With this ammunition, Justice Blackmun was able, in his Roe v. Wade decision, to explain away as a meaningless historical accident the medical profession's traditional prohibition against doctors performing abortions: «This it seems to us is a satisfactory explanation of the Hippocratic Oath's apparent rigidity.

In the past I've been critical of «one - issue» voters who routinely base their vote solely on a candidate's position on abortion, but I've recently toned down my criticism as I continue to speak with earnest and compassionate friends who have every right to base their decision on what touches their hearts the most.

She can no longer trust what some of us might think of as her better side, explaining that if she had another child she would feel even worse because she would be admitting that the decision to have the abortion was a dreadful mistake, admitting that she and her husband «could in fact have managed to care for another life.»

She learns to see her abortion decision as painful, difficult, but right.

Carol Tauer, a philosopher at Minnesota's St. Catherine's College, has recently challenged the moral logic of this declaration, as well as of the current pastoral teachings on abortion, in an incisive and thorough analysis of the tradition of probabilism — a theory of practical decision - making that is accepted in Catholic moral teaching.

After all, the Court could have come down, as the German Constitutional Court did in a 1975 decision interpreting Germany's Basic Law, in precisely the opposite way — invalidating a legislatively enacted liberalization of abortion.

These decisions exemplify both the inherently expansive nature of the new regime's abortion jurisprudence as well as its disempowerment of political opponents.

The Court's own case law shows that in order to maintain the abortion right at the level of fundamental law, many other sectors of the states» legal order, at both statutory and common law, need to be altered: family law, marriage law, laws regulating the medical profession, and, as we now see with the recent circuit court decisions, criminal laws prohibiting private use of lethal force.

Abortion's record is one of taint and damage to everything it touches, not least, as even Justice Anthony Kennedy (who, after having cast his lot with the pro «abortion justices in the 1992 Casey decision, joined the dissent in Hill) now seems to see, fundamental American constitutional priAbortion's record is one of taint and damage to everything it touches, not least, as even Justice Anthony Kennedy (who, after having cast his lot with the pro «abortion justices in the 1992 Casey decision, joined the dissent in Hill) now seems to see, fundamental American constitutional priabortion justices in the 1992 Casey decision, joined the dissent in Hill) now seems to see, fundamental American constitutional principles.

Part of the difficulty with creating a new understanding of adoption - including the women who chose it, the families who adopt, and the children who are adopted - is combating archaic adoption practices that not only reinforce negative stereotypes, but also do an incredible disservice to what adoption can be - that is, adoption is a legitimate pregnancy option for all women faced with a pregnancy decision, regardless of whether they identify as «pro-life» or «pro-choice,» religious or not, conservative or liberal... In the face of a pregnancy decision, the women who choose adoption feel no more part of the political discussion around it then the women who choose abortion feel about the political rhetoric characterizing their decision.

Unsafe abortions are widely acknowledged as causing 13 % of maternal deaths globally.2 Decisions to exclude family planning increase the number of unsafe abortions causing more women to suffer and die unnecessarily.»

Before NOW - NYS supports this nominee, women need answers as to how Kagan will rule on issues of reproductive rights; abortion, contraception, and all forms of medical procedures that would affect a woman's privacy in making important decisions about her body.»

The agenda, introduced as part of Cuomo's State of the State address, also includes a strengthening of the state's abortion laws by codifying the Roe v. Wade decision in state law.

They are protesting the January 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision that legalized abortion, Thousands of protesters converged in D.C. last week as the House of Representatives passed a bill baring federal spending on abortions.

His Senate has blocked Cuomo's attempts to expand abortion rights to protect late - term abortions, as well as efforts to make sure federal protections would continue if the U.S. Supreme Court strikes down the Roe v. Wade decision that made abortion legal nationwide.

The ruling released on Monday in a 5 - 3 decision is being considered by advocates on both sides of the abortion debate as one of the most consequential in a generation from the high court.

As the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade marked its 45th anniversary yesterday, efforts to codify the federal law's abortion protections in New York law continue at the start of the legislative session.

The Reform Party as a national organization believes that social issues or values issues (which include issues such as abortion, gay marriage, and end of life decisions) should not be our focus as a party.

Partly as a legacy of the way the abortion decisions came about in this country and the degree to which abortion is important in American politics, killing and destruction - of - life questions have come to be regarded as the bioethical questions, whether it's euthanasia at the end of life or abortion and embryo destruction at the beginning.

«We decided this was the most loving thing to do as a mom, because I never wanted her to suffer,» she says of her decision to seek an abortion.

Together the three sections, irrelevantly uneven in quality, make bold statements: the legalization of abortion has made it no less controversial; the decision to abort is fraught with as many complexities as the decision to bear the child; all men are pigs (hey, I agree); etc..

And senators have demonstrated a reluctance to be satisfied with nominees» attempts to differentiate their personal views on a matter, like abortion or gay rights, with their acceptance of the court's decisions in these areas as a matter of law.

Justice Ginsburg read her dissent from the bench, criticizing the majority's decision as «alarming,» and a departure from precedent like Planned Parenthood v. Casey and Steinberg v. Carhart, which both recognized that states could not proscribe the abortion procedure where necessary to protect a woman's health.

As University of Chicago law professor Geoffrey R. Stone points out in a post at the American Constitution Society's ACSBlog, religious affiliation may be the key to explaining last week's Supreme Court decision in Gonzales v. Carhart, upholding a federal law prohibiting so - called partial birth abortions, otherwise known as «intact dilation and evacuation» or «intact D & E.&raquAs University of Chicago law professor Geoffrey R. Stone points out in a post at the American Constitution Society's ACSBlog, religious affiliation may be the key to explaining last week's Supreme Court decision in Gonzales v. Carhart, upholding a federal law prohibiting so - called partial birth abortions, otherwise known as «intact dilation and evacuation» or «intact D & E.&raquas «intact dilation and evacuation» or «intact D & E.»

This would be a similar situation as abortion following R. v. Morgentaler 27 years ago, where no law has followed the Court's decision.

Kansas and Oklahoma have seen similar bills this session, as lawmakers respond to recent court decisions on such hot - button issues as school funding, abortion, capital punishment, and the Ten Commandments.

However, the court was careful, as in its recent decisions on abortion, not to express a view on the competing merits of home v hospital birth, or on the comparative virtues of a liberal as opposed to a restrictive régime.

But these figures alone can be misleading, and Pollitt does an excellent job of unpacking them and showing the contradictions in our views, as well as the limits to what surveys can tell us about the decisions Americans make for themselves (an old abortion joke, according to Pollitt: «When should abortion be legal?

«As the nation's leading women's health care provider and advocate, Planned Parenthood understands that abortion is a deeply personal and often complex decision for a woman to consider, if and when she needs it,» said Cecile Richards, president, Planned Parenthood Federation of America.

Sarah Weddington played a vital role as a Texas attorney in winning the 1973 Roe v. Wade U.S. Supreme Court decision that legalized abortion nationwide.

The bill would forbid government interference in a woman's right to make private, personal family planning and reproductive health decisions and would also invalidate harmful laws, such as the law recently passed in South Dakota to criminalize abortion.

In our experience, if someone seeking an abortion makes their own decision and feels confident that they are able to cope, they may experience sadness, disappointment, and loss as well as relief and resolution.

Before the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision in 1973, as many as 5,000 women died annually from unsafe abortions.