Not exact matches
Political scientist Keith Brownsey of Mount Royal University argues the Liberals paid close attention to the many fumbles made by Harper's Tories on the energy file: failing to build solid relationships with First Nations, allowing environmental groups to seize the
public - relations initiative, not
asserting federal authority and handing provinces like B.C. and Quebec
control of the political agenda, keeping Canada outside of the international consensus on climate change, and ignoring legitimate criticisms of the federal review process.
The fact that the author of a major new book
asserting that breast - feeding «enslaves» and «undermines» women also personally holds
controlling interest in the agency of record for the three companies that collectively
control much of the infant formula market share in the United States is glaringly disturbing... Publicis has been charged with marketing Nestlé to the
public since at least 1984, and has been promoting infant formula on behalf of Abbott Laboratories since 1997.
In a 2008 presentation, Dunn stated «I
assert that warm is good for human health and that global warming, even the most extreme estimates, will not create heat illness or death increases and certainly no changes that are more important than the basic
public health measures of vector
control, water, nutrition, sewage and water quality, and housing quality.»
The board
asserted that the statute gives the state board of education more powers than the Colorado state constitution permits and infringes on the state constitution's provision that the local school board «shall have
control of instruction in the
public schools of their respective districts.»
Asked by Education Week to comment on our findings, the lead author of the NCES report freely acknowledged the problems with some of the variables used in the NCES analysis, but
asserted that our alternative models may be «underadjusting for the disadvantage in the
public sector» because we do not
control separately for mothers» and fathers» education.
At issue is how much
control school officials can
assert over student speech in
public schools.
Low - performing
public schools have become a critical battleground between corporate - backed initiatives that remove local
control of schools and favor the privatization of
public education, and proponents of community schools who
assert that parents, teachers and students — in short, the
public — are the greatest asset in restoring strong educational outcomes.
In the event that a claim for indemnification against such liabilities (other than the payment by the registrant of expenses incurred or paid by a trustee, officer or
controlling person of the registrant in the successful defense of any action, suit or proceeding) is
asserted by such trustee, officer or
controlling person in connection with the securities being registered, the registrant will, unless in the opinion of its counsel the matter has been settled by
controlling precedent, submit to a court of appropriate jurisdiction the question whether such indemnification by it is against
public policy as expressed in such Act and will be governed by the final adjudication of such issue.
In the event that a claim for indemnification against such liabilities (other than the payment by Registrant of expenses incurred or paid by a trustee, officer or
controlling person of Registrant in the successful defense of any action, suit or proceeding) is
asserted by such trustee, officer or
controlling person in connection with the securities being registered, Registrant will, unless in the opinion of its counsel the matter has been settled by
controlling precedent, submit to a court of appropriate jurisdiction the question whether such indemnification by it is against
public policy as expressed in the 1933 Act and will be governed by the final adjudication of such issue.
O'Keeffe
asserted full
control over her
public persona, famously rejecting feminist readings of her flower paintings as vaginas and eschewing the label of a «woman artist.»
It presages a law captured by the rhetoric of the right to freedom of expression without due regard to the value underlying the particular exercise of that right; a law in which, under the guise of the right to freedom of expression, the «right» to offend can be exercised without responsibility or restraint providing it does not cause a disruption or disturbance in the nature of
public disorder; a law in which an impoverished amoral concept of «
public order» is judicially ordained; a law in which the right to freedom of expression trumps — or tramples upon — other rights and values which are the vital rights and properties of a free and democratic society; a law to which any number of vulnerable individuals and minorities may be exposed to uncivil, and even odious, ethnic, sexist, homophobic, anti-Christian, anti-Semitic, and anti-Islamic taunts providing no
public disorder results; a law in which good and decent people can be used as fodder to promote a cause or promote an action for which they are not responsible and over which they have no direct
control; a law which demeans the dignity of the persons adversely affected by those
asserting their right to freedom of expression in a disorderly or offensive manner; a law in which the mores or standards of society are set without regard to the reasonable expectations of citizens in a free and democratic society; and a law marked by a lack of empathy by the sensibilities, feelings and emotional frailties of people who can be deeply and genuinely affronted by language and behaviour that is beyond the pale in a civil and civilised society.
Although its use is of questionable significance in the age of the internet, many of us mark our
public writing, including our
public legal education materials, with a copyright statement
asserting an exclusive right to
control the use and distribution of our work.