Sentences with phrase «at liberty of»

You also are at liberty of printing out the pages whenever and as many times as you wish.
In this drug - fueled reverie we're at the liberty of a distractible hippie.
We are at the liberty of these companies housing our sensitive data to adequately protect this information.»

Not exact matches

That liberty can be difficult to come by at large corporations where the name of the game is to not rock the boat or do anything that might put existing revenue streams at risk.
«This really puts at risk both the security and liberty of the American people,» said Senator Ron Wyden, D - Oregon.
Your customers may not know (or be at liberty to explain) all the ramifications of the purchase.
Look at what they're doing through Obamacare with respect to assaulting the religious liberties of this country.
But just as Green insinuated, the Trump administration has enacted, or has hinted at enacting, policies that rankle Americans of all political stripes, precisely because they could be used to encroach upon personal liberties.
They mumbled something more about person of interest, not at liberty to disclose, etc..
«That was honest - to - God college beer money that I gave up to be associated with Cato, so you know about my commitment to the cause of liberty,» he said during a forum at the think tank last year.
It should not be difficult for companies to extend EU practices and policies elsewhere because they already have systems in place, said Nicole Ozer, director of technology and civil liberties at the American Civil Liberties Union of California.
President Donald Trump presided over a National Day of Prayer event in the White House Rose Garden for the second year, pledging at the Thursday morning gathering to protect religious liberty all across America.
He is a senior scholar at the school's conservative Mercatus Center, and has ties to the Goldwater Institute, a libertarian think tank, and the Competitive Enterprise Institute, which is «dedicated to advancing the principles of limited government, free enterprise, and individual liberty
After this story was initially published, David Rocah, an attorney at the ACLU of Maryland, said the civil liberties group also would seek a copy of the proposal.
However, you don't get the liberty of choosing the shortest possible mortgage rate lock, then extending 15 days at a time, as needed.
What a Christian buys is servitude in this life, at the cost of his liberty (and often property), to people who claim to be authorized agents of God, on hope of reward that can not be verified until they are dead.
It's equally foolish to accept it at face value and underestimate the great achievements of liberty and law that we as Americans rightly take pride in and must work to protect.
In other words, his proposal, if it could be executed at all, would produce an individual capable of using liberty well and responsibly, inevitably embedded in a society in which most people would be sorely tempted to abuse their liberty.
Thus the principal «political» task of the gentleman will be find ways of resisting the encroachments of the state into the family (while at the same time appreciating and encouraging its protections of our liberties), and for that he may need unsavory allies.
(And since we are entering an era in which conservatives may be forced into considering, at all levels of government, the use of more dramatically intransigent constitutional resistance options to various budget - destroying, Constitution - eroding, and religious - liberty threatening trends of liberal «governance,» a Lincoln - like precision about what we intend to do, and about what enormities we are constitutionally obliged to put up with, is all the more necessary.
that is a new place and that is going to be a bad place for American liberty, and I think, at that point, it's effectively game over for the United States of America.
Although the specific content of one's «liberty» at any given time may be difficult to assess, we know at least this much: choices central to personal autonomy are also central to liberty under the Fourteenth Amendment.
Over at Mirror of Justice, though, Thomas Berg sounds a bit more worried: «a possible lesson here for religious - liberty advocates (applicable in other contexts too) is to beware of pushing the envelope too much.»
If indeed choices «central to personal dignity and autonomy» are what lie at the heart of the liberty protected by due process of law, how can it be said that a terminally ill person's decision to end his or her life is any less «intimate and personal» than the decision to have an abortion?
At the very least, our country was founded on the concept of God given rights: life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
So to truly apply the mindset of Madison today means to admit what he couldn't quite see: that just as air is to the regrettable existence of fire, and as liberty is to the regrettable existence of faction, so is modern republican government to the regrettable existence of various at - bottom - suicidal democratic mindsets: progressivism, democratic socialism, militant secularism, and libertarianism.
What is the libertarian understanding of religious liberty at the present time?
At Public Discourse today, I explain what led the Left to rebuke the authentically American understanding of religious liberty after the 1993 passage of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act:
In an important sense it is a greater violation of religious liberty to ban a ritual that is at the theological heart of a faith than to ban a peripheral celebration.
At Public Discourse today, I explain what led the Left to rebuke the authentically American understanding of religious liberty after the 1993 passage of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act: Understanding why religious liberty became politically controversial requires more than just identifying....
Nat died recently at the ripe age of ninety - one, receiving the laudatory obituaries he so richly deserves for his decades of contributions to civil - liberties discourse and the popular understanding of jazz (his personal passion).
«What's at stake is the First Amendment right to religious liberty, and nothing goes to the heart of this civil liberty more than conscience rights,» said Bill Donohue, president of the Catholic League.
It rejects restraint from without upon liberty of interpretation, and at the same time excludes an arbitrary or capricious use of liberty by accepting the intrinsic control of the historical movement within the Bible itself.
Legal academics have argued that this sort of harm strikes at the heart of the common good, and that judges should count it against the moral and religious liberty claims of those seeking to avoid complicity with others» sins.
The critical method finds its way between the horns of a dilemma: It rejects restraint from without upon liberty of interpretation, and at the same time excludes an arbitrary or capricious use of liberty by accepting the intrinsic control of the historical movement within the Bible itself.
In 1992, in the Casey opinion which confirmed America's unlimited abortion licence, Kennedy wrote that «at the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life»....
«I know enough that you can not have the advancing of the radical homosexual agenda and religious liberty at the same time, in the same nation,» he preached.
«In so ruling, the Administration has cast aside the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, denying to Catholics our Nation's first and most fundamental freedom, that of religious liberty,» the letter continued and was read at all English and Spanish language Masses, the diocese said in a statement.
Suppose, in a kind of contented abstinence, we were to refrain from trying to understand more of the landscape before us than the landscape cared to display for us, that we were willing to follow the bend of bough and straggle of gravel and tilt of pole wherever the bend and the straggle and the tilt chanced to take us, that we concerned ourselves not with pattern or profit or even pleasure but merely with watching like a token sentinel in safe country, that we gave our eyes a quiet carte blanche and permitted our minds to play at liberty over the face of an untouched terrain?
When we think of religious liberty, the concept usually revolves around matters like whether the government can allow prayers at public events.
Thus the particular question that has been at the heart of a lot of our religious liberty cases in the past few years — the question of whether institutions in the corporate form are entitled to religious liberty — is not a new question for our political tradition, and the answer that tradition has often offered it is not always friendly to the cause of contemporary traditionalists.
You would think that someone who had any rationality to them at all would be focusing on real issues, such as stripping away of our civil liberties, or the ongoing wars that actually cost this country billions of dollars and hundreds of lives, or the trillions of dollars in our deficit.
Indeed, his commitment to religious liberty was at least as much a function of his worry about domineering religious sects imposing themselves on the public square as of any concern about a loss of society's fundamental moral character.
These days, however, many religious and moral traditionalists in America can easily relate to the young Madison's anguished plea for pity and prayer — or at the very least for a revival of liberty of conscience.
«Slavery itself... is not at all contrary to the natural and divine law... The purchaser [of the slave] should carefully examine whether the slave who is put up for sale has been justly or unjustly deprived of his liberty, and that the vendor should do nothing which might endanger the life, virtue, or Catholic faith of the slave.»
Paul addresses a concern of Christian liberty at the end of 1 Corinthians 10, when he states, ««I have the right to do anything,» you say — but not everything is beneficial.
On two of three contentious issues at the intersection of religious liberty and nondiscrimination concerns, Americans remain evenly divided.
Archbishop Dolan concluded his statement with a matter - of - fact declaration of what is at stake in the debate over DOMA: «The Administration's currentposition is not only a grave threat to marriage, but to religious liberty and the integrity of our democracy as well.»
The Exchange is a blog of Ed Stetzer of LifeWay Research and is hosted at Christianity Today, which has reported extensively on higher education and religious liberty.
Anyone who wishes to experiment with this conception of the unrivaled as well as unsurpassed is of course at liberty to do so.
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