Not exact matches
If we were to accept lower margins
because of our commitment to
social responsibility, then we'd be doing the broader socially responsible business
movement a disservice
because we wouldn't be as competitive or as attractive to investors.»
Because of this
movement, live streaming video, especially on
social channels like Facebook, will continue to grow in importance.
I must say (and I want readers to be absolutely clear about this) that all the political and
social movements which Christian friends
of mine have joined precisely
because they wanted to help the poor — that these
movements very rarely show a concern to seek out, to find, to help the really poor.
The bad reasoning behind this thesis, which combines guilt by association with the logical fallacy
of post hoc ergo propter hoc (the ecumenical
movement became «liberal»
because it was concerned for church union and
social demonstration
of the gospel), is part
of the theological DDT in evangelical soil which inhibits the growth and maturing
of the present awakening.
From a sociological perspective, Campos asserts that Latin American Pentecostalism offers symbolic mediation for what he calls the «the affirmation
of popular hope,»
because it is both a spiritual
movement which transforms the individual and a
movement of symbolic protest in a society which denies the dispossessed the chance to achieve or to participate in
social organization.
But such reform
movements, as efforts to recover the genuine and liberative orientations
of the modern experience
of reason, were either ignored by the dominant modern cultures or, when they succeeded, they did so only
because they adapted the dominative power techniques
of manipulation and control typical
of the
social orders and cultures against which they initially protested.
In fact, the power
of the sermon to initiate and sustain
movements for
social change has often been overlooked
because sermons were «words, words, words.»
The coalition is drawing attention
because it has the potential
of providing the infrastructure for a grassroots conservative
movement that now includes tea party activists and
social conservatives.
Because of the complex interaction
of religious broadcasting with other
social characteristics such as broader religious and cultural
movements, changing
social uses
of mass media, and changing historical circumstances, it is unlikely that a simple cause - effect relationship between the viewing
of religious programs on television and individual faith and church interaction could ever be isolated.
They have little to say, perhaps
because the data ill fit their historiographic image, about the fact that American Catholicism during this «ghetto» period produced great pioneers
of the liturgical and
social - action
movements like Virgil Michel.
Perhaps a new «third way» that avoids the over-simplistic definitions
of right - wing capitalism and left - wing socialism is needed,
because even though the aims
of the protest
movement would seem to be leaning towards a
social - democratic, «leftist» welfare state, a significant number
of protesters clearly do not wish to detach themselves from the political right, and are very much opposed to being associated with the left.
«The reality is that migrants from other EU countries are very beneficial to the UK's economy, notably
because they help to address skills shortages and pay more tax and
social security contributions per head, and get fewer benefits, than UK workers; that free
movement of workers is a key part
of the EU's single market; that hundreds
of thousands
of UK nationals work in other EU countries.»
«In the period that the NDC has been in office, we have seen the greatest upward
movement of people from lower classes into the middle class, and yet when people get into the middle class
because of the perception that our party is
social democratic and it's against property owning and seeks to equalize poverty, then those same people that we have created the conditions to be upwardly mobile drift into the property owning classes and therefore identify themselves with a different ideology.
Sources at Momentum said they believed there was a fundamental misunderstanding
of how they had operated: «We believe the Electoral Commission is investigating Momentum
because we managed to do so much with so little and
because they haven't previously dealt before with a
social movement - type organisation that is powered by the energy and enthusiasm
of tens
of thousands
of volunteers rather than large amounts
of money.»
I think in fairness to Steve Hart, Unite's strategy makes union backed candidates from a broader
social background part
of their political strategy, but certainly not the end
of it: At the Unite meeting at Labour Conference, Jon Trickett & Len McCluskey made the case for Unite & Labour developing MP's from down to earth backgrounds, but linked this very much to having policies that adress the needs
of working class voters: The Unite strategy is fairly broad, including recruitng union members to Labour, developing MP's (who as McCluskey are backed
because they «reflect the values
of the union
movement» — rather than just being from a particular
social class), and supporting the CLASS think tank to develop policy — I did a write up
of this meeting for the Morning Star (and a rival Progress one), which may be
of interest (I think it will appear if you click on my name)
Because movement conservatives of that time such as William F. Buckley Jr., and Barry Goldwater didn't view state - sanctioned racism as the great moral question that it was, because their fetish for preserving tradition led them to believe that the federal government didn't have the obligation to address segregation, because of their concerns about communism and the expansion of federal government, and because they viewed the civil disobedience by activists such as Martin Luther King (as well as their push to force social change) as an affront to the order they craved, they essentially gave succor to Jim Crow segregationists even if that wasn't their original
Because movement conservatives
of that time such as William F. Buckley Jr., and Barry Goldwater didn't view state - sanctioned racism as the great moral question that it was,
because their fetish for preserving tradition led them to believe that the federal government didn't have the obligation to address segregation, because of their concerns about communism and the expansion of federal government, and because they viewed the civil disobedience by activists such as Martin Luther King (as well as their push to force social change) as an affront to the order they craved, they essentially gave succor to Jim Crow segregationists even if that wasn't their original
because their fetish for preserving tradition led them to believe that the federal government didn't have the obligation to address segregation,
because of their concerns about communism and the expansion of federal government, and because they viewed the civil disobedience by activists such as Martin Luther King (as well as their push to force social change) as an affront to the order they craved, they essentially gave succor to Jim Crow segregationists even if that wasn't their original
because of their concerns about communism and the expansion
of federal government, and
because they viewed the civil disobedience by activists such as Martin Luther King (as well as their push to force social change) as an affront to the order they craved, they essentially gave succor to Jim Crow segregationists even if that wasn't their original
because they viewed the civil disobedience by activists such as Martin Luther King (as well as their push to force
social change) as an affront to the order they craved, they essentially gave succor to Jim Crow segregationists even if that wasn't their original intent.
The Democratic Party has been called «the graveyard
of social movements» for a reason,
because once you accept the idea that defeating the Republicans is the most important political strategy, it makes sense to prioritize that over everything else.
These below are more inline with the later - day
movements in
social media, platform choices etc — many
of which need to be considered by new writers considering the traditional publishing route also —
because many traditional publishers now insist on seeing a growing author's platform before considering submissions.
Feminism as a larger
movement was destroyed
because these people weren't working together and organizing around a larger principle
of social change.
By the 1930s, Regionalism, along with its ethical cousin
Social Realism formed part
of a broad
movement known as American Scene Painting, which struck a popular chord with many people, not least
because it offered a positive antidote to the gloom
of The Great Depression which was ravaging the country.
And in some ways the pivotal
movement of those times,
because it again got most
of the criticism, was what people called
Social Realism.
These spaces
of multi sectoriall dialogues are rejected from the
social movements,
because they confuse and divert the attention from the severity
of the reality.
For instance, it can not move «beyond
social marketing»,
because, as has been discussed, it is not a popular campaign and its members — even those with advanced degrees in psychology — have no idea to communicate with those outside
of the
movement.
About 200,000 recipients
of Hartz IV, Germany's benefits program for the long - term unemployed, had their power cut off last year
because of unpaid bills, according to Paritätische Gesamtverband, an umbrella association for
social movements in Germany.
A
social movement has coalesced around solitary confinement
because the harm and disorder
of exclusion from community is contrary to contemporary values.
In another «Tear Down That Wall» moment an obsolete fixture tumbled
because of social pressure from the «common sense»
movement.