There is an historical, although not a necessary logical, relationship
between liberal democracy and the moral anarchy of contemporary America.
Not exact matches
The inability of the Gallicanist state to co-opt Catholicism's social energy exposed a tension inherent in
liberal democracy:
between the people empowered as a sovereign whole, on one hand, and those partial societies of individuals which diversify the nation, on the other.
The relationship
between Catholicism and
liberal democracy has been, is and will always be a complex one.
The reactions to the attack on Charlie Hebdo highlight the odd affinity
between the left and radical Islam and also draw attention to the unsung — and Augustinian — champions of
liberal democracy: Satirists.
Even Richard Rorty, who is not a great religious mind, thinks that the success of
liberal democracies lies in the creative tensions
between «the agents of love» and «the agents of justice,» explained more or less in this way.
He perceived similarities
between it and
liberal democracy, and those parallels did nothing to make what we often assume to be our superior system more appealing to him.
The tension
between sovereign self - determination claims on the one hand and adherence to universal human rights principles on the other is arguably a constitutive feature of
liberal democracy.
DPT also stipulates that interstate conflicts
between two
liberal democracies may emerge, but these are settled by peaceful rather than violent means.
What are the main differences and similarities
between the marxist and elitist theories on the distribution of power in
Liberal democracies?
But he praised activists for backing North Norfolk MP Norman Lamb's controversial proposals to part - privatise the Royal Mail, adding: «
Liberal democracy can not be a struggle
between those who wish to modernise and those who do not.
So it is with
liberal democracies, which almost never work out as planned but somehow progress ever closer to finding the right balance
between individual liberty and social order.
For onlookers of democratic politics, rather than assuming a trajectory in which
democracy (by which too many onlookers assume Western
liberal democracy) prevails, it is prudent to heed the contested nature of this concept and note that among populations that are deeply divided on the separation of religion and state, if some form of
democracy does arise once the dust settles it will by virtue of the democratic process likely take place in
between the essentialized and polarizing categories — those «secular» and «Islamist» conceptions — that are so prevalently and popularly discussed in popular discourse and the media.
Insofar as a social movement is «an organized, sustained, self - conscious challenge to existing authorities» (Tilly, 1984), the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions included a multiplicity of informal and formal institutions and alliances: students, unions, professionals, religious groups, etc.And while the master frames calling for the ouster of Mubarak and Ben Ali were no doubt unifying discursive devices that were readily supported by most if not all of the protestors, secondary frames — calls for
democracy, social justice, freedom, and dignity — presented significant points of divergence not only in and
between Islamist and non-Islamist groups, but
between the secular -
liberal youth who are credited with initiating the mass protests in the first place.
It recaps the major differences
between philanthropy and government, beginning with a useful distinction
between two «different worldviews about the role of foundations in a
liberal democracy.»
It's about using
democracy to resolve our differences the best we can, while building bridges
between the «two Americas» that have come into sharp relief — a
liberal, urbanized, mostly coastal, and generally more affluent one, and a conservative, rural and exurban, generally poorer, heartland one.
Splitting his time
between Paris and his native Cluj, Mircea Cantor makes work that centers around themes of cultural history, memory, and displacement, echoing his upbringing in Romania during its tumultuous transition from state socialism to
liberal democracy.
In
liberal democracies, however, the relationship
between art and politics may be less didactic, but it is arguably more complicated.
As enthusiasm for deliberative
democracy in
liberal societies is «driven by a perceived distance
between the drives and motivations of citizens and the political decisions made in their name,» live - blogging in all its informational immediacy may be able to narrow the temporal distance
between lawmaker and subject, as the latter is able to instantly respond to the actions of the former.
I believe that one of the great characteristics of a
liberal democracy is that getting the «right» mix of these values, the «right» interrelationship
between them, can itself be debated, can itself be the subject of free speech.
Civic networks can articulate the differences
between powers and resources, and highlight the importance of public accountability to
liberal democracy as an example to the rest of the world without alienating what could be an important natural ally.