Sentences with phrase «between share of the vote»

The massive disparity between the share of vote and relative number of MPs will bring the electoral system back into focus.

Not exact matches

After 1819, however, most charters provided for one vote per share, although approximately 40 percent of the charters granted between 1819 and 1852 retained a maximum number of votes per shareholder.

In a passage written to be quoted, even by those who do not share the mature Oz's leftist convictions, he reports his father's tearful response (the only time he ever displayed emotion to his son) to the public broadcast of the U.N. vote partitioning Palestine between Jews and Arabs: «Bullies may well bother you in the street or in school someday.

Try, TheMagnus, to distinguish between choosing a candidate with similar values and voting against one who does not share your narrow view of which religion God has blessed.

Between them these two steps give us an estimate of the share of the vote for Remain and Leave in each local authority.

As we can see, the hypothesis that UKIP vote is driven by experience of change in the local area can be rejected — in fact Pearson correlations between UKIP vote and increases in the share of each immigrant group are negative.

In both sets the vast majority of seats involve Labour defending vote shares of between 40 and 65 per cent with an average of 50 per cent.

The Cuomo campaign, in a statement released after the WFP vote, touted the governor's liberal record and alluded to his recent role in brokering an end to a power - sharing deal between state Senate Republicans and a breakaway group of Democratic lawmakers.

In both sets the vast majority of seats involve Labour defending vote shares of between 40 % and 65 % with an average of 50 %.

European Parliament elections also seem to be becoming worse predictors of general election results (the same is not true for local elections)-- the difference between vote shares at European and general elections for the 1999 EP election was 7.5, 8.5 for 2004, and 10.3 in 2009.

What explains the disparity between Labour's relatively modest share of the vote and its enormous majority of MPs is the melt - down of the Conservative Party.

The No side is now developing a more or less shared vision of the division of powers between the UK and the Scottish Parliament if Scotland votes no which would give new powers to the Scottish Parliament in the fields of tax and welfare.

Between them the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats won 59.0 % of the popular vote, the largest share for a subsequent government since World War Two.

In BBC Keywards fought by all four parties, the correlation between the change in the UKIP share of the vote since 2010 and that for the Conservatives was very similar to that between UKIP and Labour: both close to -0.3.

Together with Ansip, they are likely to share most of the preference votes between them.

The Tories won the largest share of the vote in twelve out of the thirteen general elections between 1886 and 1945.

The first graph shows the share of the first - preference vote, while the second graph shows the final overall share of the vote between the top two candidates after second preferences are added.

Caroline Lucas as the only Green MP would exercise a «heavy» vote of between 5 and 6 for the Green Party (on party political issues) which reflects the total vote share for the Green Party in the country.

Labour's share of the vote in the Dublin region fell by 14.4 % between the local elections of 2009 and 2014.

The gap between each election and the monthly poll averages lends credence to what Mike Smithson of PoliticalBetting.com describes as the golden rule — the poll showing the lowest Labour vote share is probably the most accurate one.

NYC's vote has fluctuated between a 27 - 30 percent share of the total gubernatorial vote (despite being 43 percent of the state's population and 39 percent of registered voters).

Broken down by gender, religion and race: women are 53 percent of the gubernatorial electorate, white Catholics are at a 33 - 35 percent share, Jewish voters cast a 12 - 13 percent of the total vote, with minority voters (the aggregate of black, Hispanic, Asian and bi-racial New Yorkers) at between a 27 - 30 percent share in gubernatorial elections.

All MPs are equal members of their Parliamentary Party, so sharing out the votes of the party between its members on an equal basis has a simple democratic logic, maybe more logic than creating extra MPs from a party list.

This total of parliamentary votes is shared out (equally) between the party's MPs - the winners of individual constituency elections.

Finally, despite the important effects of the substantial rise of UKIP on the shares of the vote for the two main parties, UKIP are not set to win many seats nor have a disproportionate effect on the competition for seats between the two main parties in their key marginals.

Saying that he is now aiming for more than 100 gains on the party's 63 MPs, and even the largest share of the vote, Clegg says: «I don't think the choice is between Conservative and Labour — the choice is now between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats.»

The research, conducted by internet polling company Survation, suggested that the longstanding link between ethnic minorities and the Labour party was fraying, and that the Conservatives might at last be breaking through with minority voters, having achieved a 33 % share of the 2015 ethnic minority vote overall or «one million» new voters for the party, and with a lead over Labour among Hindu voters.

Based on the results, the BBC's projected national vote share puts the Lib Dems on 16 % - an improvement on the latter days of the coalition government between 2013 and 2015, but lower than its estimated performance in last year's county council elections.

Indeed, she voted in 2005 to override Mr. Levy's veto of a bill that would have codified more equitable revenue sharing between eastern and western Suffolk towns.

Contrary to widespread belief, Labour's share of the UK popular vote increased by 1.4 percentage points between the 2010 and 2015 general elections (from 29 to 30.4 per cent), despite the collapse of Labour support in Scotland.

According to the BBC's projected national vote share, the Conservative party is three points down on what it achieved in 2017's county council elections but, after eight years in government, it is better than its performance in any of the local elections held between 2012 and 2014 and in 2016.

This constituency underwent boundary changes between the 1992 and 1997 general elections and thus change in share of vote is based on a notional calculation.

According to the BBC's projected national vote share, the party is three points down on what it achieved in 2017's county council elections but, after eight years in government, it is better than its performance in any of the local elections held between 2012 and 2014 and in 2016.

One of the 3 - D sequences prepared for next week shows the front podium of the White House, with bar charts of the three candidates» share of the vote displayed between the pillars.

We included administrative data from teacher, parent, and student ratings of local schools; we considered the potential relationship between vote share and test - score changes over the previous two or three years; we examined the deviation of precinct test scores from district means; we looked at changes in the percentage of students who received failing scores on the PACT; we evaluated the relationship between vote share and the percentage change in the percentile scores rather than the raw percentile point changes; and we turned to alternative measures of student achievement, such as SAT scores, exit exams, and graduation rates.

Even when we estimated the probability that an incumbent won a majority of the votes in each precinct, or accounted for test - score changes and levels as a function of dollars spent on students, or measured the relationship between an incumbent's vote share in one election and the previous election, the overwhelming weight of the evidence indicated that school board members were not being judged on improvement or weakening in school test scores.

We estimate that improvement from the 25th to the 75th percentile of test - score change — that is, moving from a loss of 4 percentile points to a gain of 3.8 percentile points between 1999 and 2000 — produced on average an increase of 3 percentage points in an incumbent's vote share.

Graham's point was that fear, greed, and other emotions (the voting machine) can drive short - term market fluctuations which in turn cause disconnects between the price and true value of a company's shares.

Following the vote, Hamburg and Vattenfall signed a contract that allowed the city to buy out the company's nearly 75 % share by 2019, but as of mid-February both parties remain deadlocked over the price (between $ 950 million and $ 1.3 billion).

It must also provide a chart indicating the enterprise's structure, shareholders, subsidiaries and parent companies, including the relationships between the different entities and their percentages of voting shares.

2009 - 2012 • Worked with day spa and fitness program clients to help advise them on proper physical fitness and diet / lifestyle recommendations for healthy changes • Led fitness classes such as step, spinning, water aerobics, and hip - hop dance to groups of between 20 - 30 participants • Taught seminars on nutrition and exercise science with practical applications for everyday life • Kept clients records and tracked their progress during their fitness program, noting exercises and classes completed, weight loss goals, and dietary plans and changes • Received award for «Top Fitness Consultant 2013» voted on by clients over a 12 - month period • Helped motivate and inspire clients to make healthy lifestyle changes through personal example and sharing stories