Social Liberal Forum Secretary James Graham and Chair of Compass Neal Lawson have an article in Tuesday's Guardian calling for a «coalition of progressive ideas»
between social liberals and liberal socialists within the Liberal Democrats, Labour and more widely.
However, and this is the crucial difference
between the social liberal approach and the Labour approach, it is impractical for state to be so centralised, and also risks thew intrusions about which liberals are concerned.
Not exact matches
It is too early to say whether the election will result in the continuation of the grand coalition
between the conservatives and the
social democrats, a revival of the conservative -
liberal coalition with the Free Democratic Party (FDP), or even a three - way coalition
between the conservatives, the FDP, and the Green Party.
The B.C.
Liberal ministers of health and of housing and
social development may want to do their homework on the relationship
between health and poverty in the province of British Columbia.
If millennials are only looking for alignment
between their
social views and the church, why is membership falling in
liberal churches as well?
The inability of the Gallicanist state to co-opt Catholicism's
social energy exposed a tension inherent in
liberal democracy:
between the people empowered as a sovereign whole, on one hand, and those partial societies of individuals which diversify the nation, on the other.
What we have in evangelical
social ethics is a rough analogue of the ideological differences
between Ronald Reagan (conservative), Richard Nixon (moderate), Pat Brown (
liberal / reformist), and Jerry Brown (radical).
This conflict has emerged
between the
liberal and militant activist pastors and denominational leaders, on the one hand, and a large body of more conservative laymen, on the other hand, who think the church should stick to spiritual matters and stop meddling in politics and «
social» issues.
But it is also possible that it may presage the development of an American third way
between the harsh and unrealistic hands - off approach to
social problems espoused by many conservatives, and the rigorously secular governmental programs favored by many
liberals.
A major shouting match, as we know, has also developed
between religious
liberals and religious conservatives, the two sides taking widely differing positions not only on theological orientations but also on
social and political issues, and holding strongly negative views toward the other.
Now I recognize that process theology is far more sophisticated than Boston Personalism, and more sophisticated precisely because it is genuinely philosophical, but I fail to detect any substantial or real theological distance
between Boston Personalism and Chicago Process Theology, just as I can not fail to observe that both are so clearly related to the
social world of modern American
liberal Protestantism.
The Church's
social doctrine is not a «third way»
between liberal capitalism and Marxist collectivism, nor even a possible alternative to other solutions less radically opposed to one another: rather, it constitutes a category of its own.
Refusing to accept the ethical postulate conjoining self - realization and the
social good which was at the heart of Dewey's ethics throughout his career, Rorty has argued for a «
liberal utopia» in which there prevails a rigid division
between a rich, autonomous private sphere that will enable elite «ironists» like himself to create freely the self they wish — even if that bares a cruel, antidemocratic self — and a lean, egalitiarian, «democratic» public life confined to the task of preventing cruelty (including that of elite ironists).
With the move, President Donald Trump — who indicated during his campaign that he might protect LGBT rights — has sided with
social conservatives on a key issue at the center of a broader cultural battle
between conservatives and
liberals.
I think your summary of the differences
between the
liberal and
social democratic positions is a fair one, but I do think that post 18 education and training is a fine example of a «merit good», and that there is considerable benefit to both individuals and society from earmarking this funding for education and study.
In the end it comes down to a difference
between a
liberal perspective which wants to empower without being too judgmental about specific goods, and a more traditional
social democratic approach which thinks in terms of access to specific «merit goods».
Like all
Liberal Democrats, the
Social Liberal Forum is very proud of our party's uniquely democratic approach to policy making and as we enter the run up to the 2014 and 2015 elections, we look forward to further statements from our ministers in government that set out clear ideological differences
between us and the Tory Party.
5.30 pm LeftWatch: Beneath the tedium of the Lib Dem conference is an ideological battle
between social democrats and classical
liberals
We (I was the
Liberal Democrats» director of policy
between 1999 and 2004) developed a modern restatement of the
social liberalism, called «New Liberalism» in its day, espoused by Hobhouse:
social liberalism, greened and decentralised to meet the challenges of the 21st century.
We will support progressive
social liberal measures, wherever they come from — and continue to oppose all measures that would widen the gap
between rich and poor.
The
Liberal Democrats were formed on 3 March 1988 by a merger
between the
Liberal Party and the
Social Democratic Party, which had formed a pact nearly seven years earlier as the SDP —
Liberal Alliance.
- suburban struggle, will now almost certainly be
between DeFrancisco, a conservative on
social and fiscal issues, and Sen. John Flanagan (Suffolk), a leader of the socially
liberal and often - pro-big-spending Long Island delegation and the Nassau County - based Skelos» preferred successor, Senate insiders said.
Yet, more important, surely, are the divisions
between the freethinking
liberal pluralists (or democratic republicans) and the unreconstructed statists in the party, as well as those
between the free - market reformers and the
social democrats.
The
Liberal Democrat party, as the name suggests, has from its inception been ideologically torn
between the progressivism of the
social democratic tradition and the aspiration of traditional liberalism.
Before the budget, the
Social Liberal Forum called on the party leadership to rule out measures that would increase the gap
between the richest and poorest and to avoid cuts in frontline services this year.
The
Social Liberal Forum made clear earlier this week that we favoured a progressive alliance
between the Labour and
Liberal Democrat parties as the basis for a government.
Beneath the tedium of the Lib Dem conference is an ideological battle
between social democrats and classical
liberals
In Denmark, the
Social Liberals managed to hold both the Foreign Office and Economic Planning
between 1993 and 2000 with the party leader opting for Economic Planning.
Continue reading «Beneath the tedium of the Lib Dem conference is an ideological battle
between social democrats and classical
liberals»»
The Alliance
between the
Social Democratic Party and the
Liberal Party was renewed but co-leaders David Owen and David Steel could not agree whether to support either major party in the event of a hung parliament.
With the party divided
between social and economic
liberals, debates on nuclear power, the economy, tuition fees, green policy and taxation are unlikely to yield unanimous responses, resulting in internal division which may hinder the party's ability to project a clear and consistent message in the run up to 2015.
He later wrote a book, The Battle For Power, about the strained relationship
between the
Liberals and the
Social Democratic Party (SDP) during that campaign, the last general election fought as the SDP —
Liberal Alliance.
So it is with
liberal democracies, which almost never work out as planned but somehow progress ever closer to finding the right balance
between individual liberty and
social order.
One of the better classic studies of
social differences since George Bernard Shaw found an unspoken love
between a professor and a sidewalk flower seller in «Pygmalion,» «The Second Mother» highlights the ways an allegedly
liberal woman acts with condescension toward her long - employed maid.
Internationalism, which he describesas
liberal nationalism, «upholds the principle of cooperationbetween states (and
between the state and international organizations), finding in them a means of evaluating
social norms that do notviolate human rights, even while protecting the special rightsof citizens» 36.
Insofar as a
social movement is «an organized, sustained, self - conscious challenge to existing authorities» (Tilly, 1984), the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions included a multiplicity of informal and formal institutions and alliances: students, unions, professionals, religious groups, etc.And while the master frames calling for the ouster of Mubarak and Ben Ali were no doubt unifying discursive devices that were readily supported by most if not all of the protestors, secondary frames — calls for democracy,
social justice, freedom, and dignity — presented significant points of divergence not only in and
between Islamist and non-Islamist groups, but
between the secular -
liberal youth who are credited with initiating the mass protests in the first place.
This is the split «
between what you think and what you do» to which Pollan refers, and it should, perhaps, come as no surprise that so many educated
liberals, living at the upper end of a
social hierarchy that was becoming ever more stratified, should find the remedies that Pollan and Beavan offer so compelling.