Sentences with phrase «between voting for a party»

Not exact matches

Italy's parliament is convening for a vote on Friday that could pave the way for negotiations between rival parties to form a coalition government.

Najib blamed the poor showing in the elections on a «Chinese tsunami,» a remark that stirred up tensions between the majority ethnic Malays represented by UMNO and the Chinese, who overwhelmingly voted for a three - party opposition alliance.

Despite holding the large majority elected MLAs, the popular vote showed Albertans were closely divided between Alison Redford «s Tories who finished with 44 % compared to an impressive 34 % showing for Danielle Smith's Wildrose Party.

MP Richards adds that vote splitting between the two Conservative parties was the reason for last year's results; by uniting the parties we will once again see a Conservative majority in Alberta.

That was good for 75 per cent of the total vote — a thumping victory for Kenney's agenda of unity between his party and Wildrose, the official opposition to the NDP government of Premier Rachel Notley.

In September, the House Rules Committee blocked a vote on inclusion of this Amendment, signifying the gap in support for pot's expansion between conservative members of the Republican Party and Democrats.

Just prior to Cruz's concession, polls showed anywhere between 16 percent to 24 percent of churchgoing evangelical voters faced with a Trump vs. Clinton matchup, would choose to stay home or vote for a third - party candidate.

Due to a voter - approved initiative that has the two highest primary vote - getters appearing on the general election ballot regardless of party, some November races for major state offices are contests between a leftwing Democrat and a radical Democrat.

It's a flash game (to be played in browser) that tasks you with redistricting given populations to achieve specific goals, for example depriving a surefire opposition candidate of votes, consolidating opposition in one area leaving one opposition candidate with almost all their voters and all the rest with less than enough to win, or just assuring status quo between the two parties by marginalizing uncertainty coming from undecided voters.

This is enough for a 40,000 vote advantage for the Democrat (using the two party vote between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton as a proxy).

Norman Tebbit said the result was a product of the Tories» core vote «kicking back» while Conservative MEP Daniel Hannan called for a limited electoral pact between his party and Ukip.

For example, suppose that voters are evenly split between two political parties, but the nine equal population single member districts are drawn so that the favored party wins by just 5 percentage points in eight districts, while the disfavored party wins by 40 percentage points in another district, you've converted a 50 - 50 division of the population vote into 8 seats for the favored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error in its favor in the eight districts it wins and a 0.1 seat rounding error against it in the one district it loses), and 1 seat for the disfavored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error against it in the eight district it loses but only a 0.1 seat rounding error in its favor in the one district it winFor example, suppose that voters are evenly split between two political parties, but the nine equal population single member districts are drawn so that the favored party wins by just 5 percentage points in eight districts, while the disfavored party wins by 40 percentage points in another district, you've converted a 50 - 50 division of the population vote into 8 seats for the favored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error in its favor in the eight districts it wins and a 0.1 seat rounding error against it in the one district it loses), and 1 seat for the disfavored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error against it in the eight district it loses but only a 0.1 seat rounding error in its favor in the one district it winfor the favored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error in its favor in the eight districts it wins and a 0.1 seat rounding error against it in the one district it loses), and 1 seat for the disfavored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error against it in the eight district it loses but only a 0.1 seat rounding error in its favor in the one district it winfor the disfavored party (which gets a 0.45 seat rounding error against it in the eight district it loses but only a 0.1 seat rounding error in its favor in the one district it wins).

But I guess that if forced to choose between those two and only those two (and the first - past - the - post system effectively does force people as far as elections are concerned), they will likely vote for candidates from the Democratic Party.

But there are various hybrid methods too: for example, there could still be rules about who can stand (eg being a party member for a year or whatever); there could be a nomination process within party structures; and then a vote open to either the general public or to anybody nominating themselves as a supporter I am not sure - in practice - whether there is much difference between an «anybody can come along» and «you have to say «I'm Labour».

The two things you lose with simple PR is the link between a district and specific representatives (all MP represent the whole electorate) and the ability to choose exactly who gets elected (you vote for a party, not a person).

The challenge for Labour is that most splitting occurs between ideologically adjacent parties, and because less partisan Labour voters are more likely than Conservatives to split their vote.

British Election Study data released today (collected between February and March 2014) shows that 17 % of people intend to vote for UKIP in the May European Parliament elections (23 % when counting only people giving a party choice, excluding «don't know» responses).

The changes in 2015 vote intention among those people who voted Liberal Democrat in 2010 between the first (February - March) and second (May - June) BESIP survey show small increases for the Conservatives, UKIP and the Green Party.

[92] Publicly speaking about the 2017 Scottish council elections, Sturgeon has said that the elections were a clear choice between voting for herself and Ruth Davidson, the leader of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party, citing the stark fall in support of the Scottish Labour Party and their leader Kezia Dugdale over the past several years.

In BBC Keywards fought by all four parties, the correlation between the change in the UKIP share of the vote since 2010 and that for the Conservatives was very similar to that between UKIP and Labour: both close to -0.3.

This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between elections has been four); the vote to dissolve parliament before calling a general election requiring 55 per cent support in the House of Commons (meaning the Liberal Democrats can not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and other parties altogether hold less than 55 per cent of the seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many more Conservatives and Liberals to weaken opposition there.

Swing voters: Six focus groups of people who voted Labour at the 2005 election but for a different party in 2010 were conducted between 16 and 24 August 2010 in London, Leeds, Manchester and Birmingham.

«There is no difference in principle between STV and party lists; they both presuppose that voting is essentially not for a person, but for a party» I don't know what voting system you're talking about, but it definitely isn't STV, which is all about voting for individuals, strengthens the chances of Independents, weakens the party structure, etc..

Now the choices between the voting systems advocated by the main parties are distinct: PR for the Lib - Dems, First - Past - The - Post for the Conservatives and for Labour, the Alternative Vote system,» he added.

I like what you're getting at, but is there any precedent for defining wasted votes for the winning party as the difference between the winning party and the second - place party?

There is no difference in principle between STV and party lists; they both presuppose that voting is essentially not for a person, but for a party, and is conducted on nothing more than a tribal basis, as the experience in Germany or, especially, the Irish Republic illustrates.

Caroline Lucas as the only Green MP would exercise a «heavy» vote of between 5 and 6 for the Green Party (on party political issues) which reflects the total vote share for the Green Party in the couParty (on party political issues) which reflects the total vote share for the Green Party in the couparty political issues) which reflects the total vote share for the Green Party in the couParty in the country.

(Posted 24 December 2011) Significant current scandals, and those yet to come In no particular order Top salaries and bonuses - boardroom and shareholder individual responsibility The multiple between top and average pay Lawyers fees - the cost of the legal process Medical negligence claims against the NHS Care and treatment in the NHS «No win, no fee» personal injury compensation Democracy and the voting system Lords reform Political party funding The domestic energy market and pricing The Tax system and its inefficiencies and complexities Subsidies for new energy generation schemes The amount of crime fuelled by Drugs The availability of drugs in prison.

The party says that the «only credible approach» to Brexit is for Northern Ireland to receive special status within the EU that will uphold the democratic vote of citizens, but will also ensure that «the frontier between the EU and Britain will not be on the island of Ireland».

Just Friday, Thompsons's resolve seemed steady, hoping a re-canvass of voting machines would result in a runoff between he and de Blasio, saying he wanted to wait for the official count, but Monday Thompson called for party unity.

While the incoming Democratic House majority is sure to use the 13th District as an example of the need for a paper trail for touch - screen voting machines, it seems unlikely that the party will get involved in the legal fight between Jennings and Buchanan.

He said he had never voted for the Liberal Democrats, instead switching between Labour and the Conservatives, but was persuaded by the «massive shock» of the general election results to join the party.

The Deputy Prime Minister, who this week alone has dismissed calls for a free vote on gay marriage, at least for his own party and ruled out emergency border controls when the Euro collapses, will go on the offensive over the links between the «other» two parties and the Murdoch media empire.

Writing for the Progress website, Mr Hain said the party appeared to be polarising between those wanting to target working - class votes and the New Labour «ultras» who prefer courting the «aspirational middle class».

A spokeswoman for the Electoral Commission said the grants were given to all political parties, with a fund of # 700,000 divided between the parties on the basis of the number of votes they received in the 1997 general election and the 1999 European elections.

The former Minister said the difference between former President Kufuor and Nana Akufo - Addo is that, whilst Mr Kufuor who won his flag - bearership with over 70 percent was able to integrate the 30 percent who did not vote for him and together they won the 2000 elections, Nana Addo who was overwhelmingly elected has failed to integrate the 5 percent Alan Kyeremanten supporters to form a formidable party.

The vote was split mostly between party lines in the committee, with eight Republicans voting against the bill and seven Democrats voting for it.

The Working Families Party voted last week to endorse Rebecca Lynch, a former de Blasio staffer, for an open City Council seat — setting up another showdown between organized labor and the Queens Democratic establishment.

ConservativeHome ran a campaign, the Conservative Party supported it, and the coalition agreement specifies it, so whatever happens between now and May 2015, another boundary review is on the way and, regardless of the result of a referendum on the «alternative vote», the next General Election will be fought on new boundaries, with equalizing the size of the electorate the absolute priority for how those boundaries are drawn up.

Increasing support for smaller parties, switching between parties and differentiation between local and national voting reflect the changed approach of the electorate.»

Party members only actually get to vote on the final two candidates of course, and in a straight contest between Theresa May and Boris Johnson current support stands at May 55 %, Johnson 38 % — a seventeen point lead for May.

The disparity between the numbers of votes and the number of seats obtained by the smaller parties gave rise to increased calls for replacement of the «first - past - the - post» voting system with a more proportional system.

The 45 % Yes vote is sufficient in a first - past - the post electoral system for the SNP to dominate, whilst the «No» vote is split between all the unionist parties.

Given the deadlock between Labour and the Tories at 40 % - ish each in the polls, for the past year, there seems to be limited scope to boost Labour's vote share by further attracting non-voters or squeezing minor parties.

Finally, despite the important effects of the substantial rise of UKIP on the shares of the vote for the two main parties, UKIP are not set to win many seats nor have a disproportionate effect on the competition for seats between the two main parties in their key marginals.

But this inclusiveness also provides a platform for some members to pursue a policy strategy that could lose votes, leading to friction between grassroots activists and party leaders.

In this set of seats there is no consistent pattern in the difference between the standard voting intention question («if there were a general election tomorrow, which party would you vote for?»)

Okoe Mensah, spokesperson for the said branch executives, addressing a news conference at the party's constituency office in Prampram said, «Judging from the period between 11 am and the closing time of 5 pm on the voting day, the total votes obtained at Ahwiam, Lekpongunor and Dawa could not have been correct if multiple voting had not taken place.

Saying that he is now aiming for more than 100 gains on the party's 63 MPs, and even the largest share of the vote, Clegg says: «I don't think the choice is between Conservative and Labour — the choice is now between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats.»

It does become a problem if it is an indication of soft support for Labour, if the government become less unpopular once they have a better economy behind them, if minor parties establish themselves as alternative recipients of anti-government votes or if during an election campaign it becomes more of a choice between two alternatives, rather than a judgement on the incumbent.