Hunt pointed out that the tendency to think of Labour's heartlands as the «industrial cities only» masks the fact that there has always been
a big Labour movement on the coast, because «poverty and injustice are frequently found in seaside towns».
Not exact matches
The Thatcher administrations indeed aimed to undermine the institutions on which the political strength of the
Labour movement rested (i.e.
big - city local authorities, council estates, monopoly nationalised industries, trade unions and local government authorities).
Labour, whose frontbench is divided on the issue, is still officially committed to leaving the single market (allowing Corbyn and McDonnell to make
big state aid commitments) and ending free
movement (a key concern of MPs with pro-Brexit seats).
Perhaps the
biggest community
movements we have are the trade unions, many have a link with the
Labour party - something that modernisers thought out - dated rather than a vital connection with grassroots activism.
On one side are those who believe
Labour should stay true to its roots and back members of the labour movement in battles against big bus
Labour should stay true to its roots and back members of the
labour movement in battles against big bus
labour movement in battles against
big business.
Labour's lead has only slipped slightly, from 16 % to around 13.5 % - not the sort of
movement that ought to threaten a seat with this
big a majority.
The coming power struggle pits the neoliberal capitalist class —
big business and the banks with their friends in the media and their governing allies in the Tory party — against a weakened
Labour party pushed on the back foot by a
big election defeat and a trade union
movement still hamstrung by Thatcher's legal minefield.
«I think those are the
big challenges and lots different of people in the
Labour party and the wider
movement are thinking about these things and coming up with their ideas.»
Alan Johnson,
Labour's
big beast on the Remain side, got his loudest cheer when he derided Nigel Farage's attack on Europe's free
movement rules.
We're «election ready»: building a
movement and going for government, so presumably we're aiming for a
bigger Labour majority in Copeland!
The
labour movement can talk all it wants to about the alternative of a «
big» CPP, but if it entails the kind of active management that Coyne describes, it's hard to advocate allowing the CPPIB to play the «fool's game» with even more of our money.