Not exact matches
Even though almost every student at the KIPP Academy... is from a low - income family, and all but a few are either
black or Hispanic, and most enter below grade level, they are still a step above other
kids in the neighborhood; on their math tests
in the fourth grade (the year before they arrived at KIPP), KIPP students
in the Bronx scored well above the average for the
district, and on their fourth - grade reading tests they often scored above the average for the entire city.
In districts like Brownsville, a historically Black community in Brooklyn, there is not a single district elementary school that has educated more than 20 % of its kids to read at grade leve
In districts like Brownsville, a historically
Black community
in Brooklyn, there is not a single district elementary school that has educated more than 20 % of its kids to read at grade leve
in Brooklyn, there is not a single
district elementary school that has educated more than 20 % of its
kids to read at grade level.
One can easily surmise that the low proficiency levels set by these states essentially proclaim that state leaders don't expect
districts to do very much for the
black, Latino, and Native
kids in their care.
Then there is North Carolina, which expects that its
districts will get only 61.7 percent of
black students
in grades three - through eight toward reading proficiency
in 2012 - 2013, while expecting only 64.7 percent of Latino and 65.2 percent of American Indian and Alaska Native
kids to become proficient
in reading; by 2014 - 2015, far lower than the proficiency rates for white and Asian peers; Tar Heel State leaders expect
districts bring
black, Latino, and Native students to proficiency levels of 69.3 percent, 71.7 percent, and 72.2 percent, respectively, by 2015.
You can easily surmise that these post-AYP accountability systems essentially proclaim that state leaders (along with those such as Petrilli who support their efforts on this front) don't expect
districts to do very much for the
black, Latino, and Native
kids in their care.
In fact, Black children account for 78.8 percent of all children suspended by the district in 2013 - 2014 — or four out of ever five kids suspended one or more times that year — while White peers accounted for a mere 33.7 percent of students suspende
In fact,
Black children account for 78.8 percent of all children suspended by the
district in 2013 - 2014 — or four out of ever five kids suspended one or more times that year — while White peers accounted for a mere 33.7 percent of students suspende
in 2013 - 2014 — or four out of ever five
kids suspended one or more times that year — while White peers accounted for a mere 33.7 percent of students suspended.
There is a reason why so many
in Virginia and throughout the nation have criticized the Old Dominion's supposedly «ambitious» yet «achievable» proficiency targets: Because they set low expectations for the state's
districts and schools to improve achievement for
black, Latino, and poor
kids, and don't encourage the
districts to take on the strong reforms needed to do so.
One can easily surmise that the low proficiency levels set by McDonnell, Wright, and their colleagues essentially proclaim that they don't expect
districts to do very much for the
black, Latino, and Native
kids in their care.
In districts across the country — even ones in cities with some form of limited movement for kids — poor parents, typically those who are black or Hispanic, are forced to enroll their kids in underperforming schools when there are good ones nearby, sometimes just blocks awa
In districts across the country — even ones
in cities with some form of limited movement for kids — poor parents, typically those who are black or Hispanic, are forced to enroll their kids in underperforming schools when there are good ones nearby, sometimes just blocks awa
in cities with some form of limited movement for
kids — poor parents, typically those who are
black or Hispanic, are forced to enroll their
kids in underperforming schools when there are good ones nearby, sometimes just blocks awa
in underperforming schools when there are good ones nearby, sometimes just blocks away.
I probably cover Lakewood's morally and fiscally bankrupt schools too often, but this Ocean County school
district that enrolls almost entirely Latino and
Black low - income students pushes all my education reform buttons: tyranny of the majority (
in this case the ultra-Orthodox residents who control the municipal government and the school board); lack of accountability; lack of school choice for poor
kids of color but anything goes (at public expense) for children of the ruling class; discrimination against minority special education students.
Culling through federal Office for Civil Rights data for 3,022
districts in 13 southern states, researchers Edward J. Smith and Shaun R. Harper determined that
black kids were far more - likely to be suspended at more - disproportionate levels than white peers.
One can easily surmise that low proficiency levels are proclamations by state leaders that they don't expect
districts to do very much for the
black, Latino, and Native
kids in their care.
But it doesn't work
in practice because the underlying formulas allow for schools and
districts to hide how poorly they are educating
black, Latino and Native
kids; a school can hide its wide achievement gaps and still get an A grade if it meets the other categories
in the formula.
Even when they do live
in urban
districts, many of them either use school choice clauses
in collective bargaining agreements to get first dibs on schools that don't have
Black or Latino children
in them, or just send their
kids to private schools to avoid the failure mills they themselves work
in.
Few senators seem concerned with the fact that the administration's gambit takes away real data on school performance (making it more difficult for families from being the lead decision - makers reformers need
in order for overhauls to gain traction, and making it more difficult for researchers to do their work), and lets states and mediocre
districts off the hook for poorly educating
black, Latino, Native and poor white and Asian
kids in their care.
The percentage of Ferguson - Florissant's
black children condemned to the top five special ed categories is just three - tenths of a percentage point higher than the 9.5 percent of
kids in St. Louis» perpetually - failing traditional
district labeled
in the top five special ed categories.
As with
black and Latino families from the middle class, poor families of all backgrounds move into suburbia thinking that traditional
district schools
in those communities will do better
in providing their
kids with high - quality teaching and curricula than the big city
districts they fled.