Sentences with phrase «by social liberal»

The debate opens with an amendment put forward by the Social Liberal Forum (SLF), a left - wing pressure group, for a change of economic policy.

Disclaimer: Membership of the Council does not imply agreement with any or all policy statements made by Social Liberal Forum.

What I see much less of — though perhaps I have just missed it — is a similar degree of self - criticism by social liberal Lib Dems.

-LSB-...] current economic orthodoxy within the Parliamentary Party, and outside of it, such as «Plan C», authored by Dr Prateek Buch, and published by the Social Liberal Forum last year.

-LSB-...] member and pensions expert Janice Turner, before many of Steve's pensions reforms — supported by the Social Liberal Forum — were announced in last week's Queen's -LSB-...]

Like Reeves (and for that matter like Clegg), most of today's liberals see individuals as free - floating, untethered social atoms, quite unlike the rooted, flesh and blood individuals presupposed by the social liberals of yesteryear.

Not exact matches

The Liberals can argue that beyond the social good provided by its spending initiatives, some of its policies do carry an economic benefit.

In response to a question posed by Liberal MP Chrystia Freeland on temporary foreign workers, Jason Kenney, the Minister of Employment and Social Development gave the following response:

In other words, plan fiduciaries now will have greater freedom to expend portfolio resources to effect liberal social goals simply by claiming that they think doing so will have long - term benefits without having to quantify those benefits.

Progressives will be expecting the government to deliver on its ambitious social agenda, and will note that this could be easily funded on the revenue side by implementing a modest corporate tax increase, by scaling back the so - called middle class tax cut, and by setting more ambitious targets for the promised Liberal review of tax loopholes for the most affluent.

O'Leary say his chief goal is to find a way to bring down the current Liberal government, and he feels he can use his considerable social media and television presence to do that as party leader or by supporting another candidate.

I do think that how liberal - leaning journalists interpret events is powerfully and often unconsciously shaped by their social networks and that this influences their coverage choices.

This habit is shared, not only by revolutionaries, but also by constitutionally - minded socialists, and even by many who would describe themselves as liberals, and who locate the instrument of social transformation not in violent confrontation, but in law.

If those guys are largely right about the incentive factors that would then come into play (and especially if Americans were moderating their economic libertarianism with devotion to family, virtue, community, and God, as your work would urge them to), then by no means would that cause the social welfare policy disaster most liberals assume it would.

Liberal groups accuse Republicans in Washington of pulling a bait and switch on social issues, saying the GOP took back the House last November by campaigning on fiscal issues, turning to hot buttons like abortion only after taking office.

The predominant mood of Protestantism at the turn of the century was positive, optimistic and liberal — and its leaders welcomed the modernism heralded by the new age: the spirit of rationality and scientific inquiry, the growth of social awareness, and the sense of an expanding world.

Roof and McKinney's final chapter tentatively recommends, in the neutral language of social science, that liberals counter this secular drift by sharpening their religious identity.

For liberal Christians, such victories embody the justice of the social gospel, the idea that believers should do God's work — even aid the Second Coming - by improving society.

The problem is that a basic tenet of classical liberalism — a tenet generally accepted in the Western world by «liberals,» as well as by many «conservatives» — is that differences regarding fundamental principles of human nature and morality are not a threat to social and political life.

This broad, liberal creed supported by a set of idealistic categories that never questioned seriously the progressive revelation of the mind of God in the existing personal and social relationships of man has been too much at home in this prosperous world to need to call out a rebellious Danish religious prophet who challenged the very categories of its thought.

The bad reasoning behind this thesis, which combines guilt by association with the logical fallacy of post hoc ergo propter hoc (the ecumenical movement became «liberal» because it was concerned for church union and social demonstration of the gospel), is part of the theological DDT in evangelical soil which inhibits the growth and maturing of the present awakening.

The dangers of conservative religious thought have frequently been noted by liberal theologians to include a kind of individualistic withdrawal from the social realities of the world.

By the way I think the progressive liberal experiment in modern social values is going extremely well [sic]... what do you think?

Nowhere have the weak social foundations of American liberal institutions been more evident than in the battered and tattered nature of the welfare state, and in the cynicism with which it is viewed by nearly the entire populace — from the wealthy to the poor, for different reasons.

Because the young are more liberal on social issues» at least at this point in their lives» traditionalists are being counseled by secularists to either remain silent about abortion and same - sex marriage, or even change their beliefs.

By implication, however, if it could be shown that the fetus is a separate life from that of its mother (for example, having its own genetic code from the time of conception), then even by liberal criteria there would be a crime with a real victim, hence prohibited by the social contract with its minimal requirement of protection of innocent personBy implication, however, if it could be shown that the fetus is a separate life from that of its mother (for example, having its own genetic code from the time of conception), then even by liberal criteria there would be a crime with a real victim, hence prohibited by the social contract with its minimal requirement of protection of innocent personby liberal criteria there would be a crime with a real victim, hence prohibited by the social contract with its minimal requirement of protection of innocent personby the social contract with its minimal requirement of protection of innocent persons.

However, the Thai government has hardly implemented any social policy towards rural and hilltribe people for equitable distribution of the wealth accumulated by its quite liberal economic development policy.

As I got older I responded to these questions out of a liberation faith informed by my own religious and social action experience and by the thought of various liberal, neo-orthodox and liberation theologians.

By taking the lead in pushing the (phony) contraception issue and the (real) abortion issue, Udall didn't just define himself as someone who is a social liberal.

The assumptions undergirding our democracy are a somewhat paradoxical amalgamation, characterized by a free - flowing sense of moral relativism, a laissez - faire individualism and a fairly profound liberal sense of social responsibility: It is difficult enough to make sense out of these dogmas without considering our Christian faith in the saving power of Christ's cross.

Bruce A. Ackerman, in Social Justice in the Liberal State (Yale University Press, 1980), arguing for an astringently secular, rational model, is faithful to the framers at least in the proposition that «nobody has the right to vindicate political authority by asserting a privileged insight into the moral universe which is denied to the rest of us.»

misappropriation of the term «liberal» by many social, cultural and political commentators of the day.»

Accordingly, the social sciences may be expected to play an increasingly important role in liberal learning, as it becomes ever more evident that the conditions of human existence are not simply imposed by fate, nor the results of the interplay of blind, impersonal forces, but the consequences of deliberale human action.

Underwood was concerned on the one hand that the overemphasis on the humanities in much of the church and in the liberal arts colleges be corrected by a stress on technical knowledge in the natural and social sciences.

Finally, I would say that there is a liberal Catholicism that was inspired both by the Second Vatican Council (or at least a certain reading of it) and by the social movements of the 1960s and 70s, particularly feminism.

By «liberal theology» I mean the movement in modern Protestantism which during the nineteenth century tried to bring Christian thought into organic unity with the evolutionary world view, the movements for social reconstruction, and the expectations of «a better world» which dominated the general mind.

It looks like retreat to liberals because it denies certain notions by which liberalism supported social action.

However, as one long - time evangelical leader told me, his community has also felt the continuing effects of cultural and social «intimidation» by the largely liberal and secular Oregon establishment.

The point I am leading up to is that for many laymen the gospel of liberal social activism offered to them by many pastors, denominational headquarters, and ecumenical leaders has not come as good news.

The liberal optimism, which largely had abandoned the concept of sin and believed that the world could be put right by education and social and economic reform, was challenged by Karl Barth, Emil Brunner (1889 - 1966) and other continental European theologians.

This paper presents an approach to social and legal policy that would combine many concerns of both liberals and conservatives, that would work patiently toward long - range goals, that would embrace a dialogical notion of the common good, and that would seek to promote the general welfare by attending to the conditions under which individuals, families, and communities prosper.

But it is also possible that it may presage the development of an American third way between the harsh and unrealistic hands - off approach to social problems espoused by many conservatives, and the rigorously secular governmental programs favored by many liberals.

In his thought there was none of the utopian thought or «evolutionary optimism» often attributed to liberal theology and the social gospel movement by its critics.

While not all is licensed among Christians, a striving for personal rectitude is being replaced by a sense of liberal or revolutionary social «responsibility.»

They believed that social and political activities were typical for a church dominated by liberal theology, so they thought purifying the gospel meant to stay away from public life.

If my own experience is anything to go by, by bringing him up a Catholic I may be condemning him to fights in the playground, bullying in the classroom, being endlessly baited at parties / lectures / social gatherings [always by self - professed open - minded liberals] and to seeing his faith lied about and depicted in wholly negative terms by every possible media outlet.

We are implicated in these historical crimes, says the liberal, and deserve to be penalized for them, by virtue of the fact (a) that we are the beneficiaries of social arrangements built on the foundations laid by this past exploitation; and (b) that despite our protests, we continue to treat and regard the historically victimized in discriminatory and injurious ways, sometimes knowingly, sometimes unconsciously.

Nourished by Dewey's thought, Protestant liberals such as Charles Clayton Morrison, owner and editor of the Christian Century until 1947 could fuse social gospel into the civil experiment of constructive Protestantism united under a National Council of Churches.

It becomes the mission of the liberal church to present the claims of the Christian faith to those who have been most impressed by the empirical approach of the sciences or by those critical social needs which call for rapid and thoroughgoing change.

The truth is that we now live in an age very different from that of the mid-twentieth century, one characterized by liberal political disenchantment, in which secularists aspire to create space for liberal freedoms, but no longer aspire to a deep form of social and philosophical unity.