Sentences with phrase «by abortion rights»

Newman is backed by former presidential candidate Senator Bernie Sanders (I — VT), as well as by abortion rights organizations such as Planned Parenthood, the National Organization of Women, and EMILY's List.

In January, Bonacic became the only Senate Republican to back a bill prioritized by abortion rights activists.

Not exact matches

Consider, a protester's right to camp out by the very same facilities and shout anti-abortion slogans at patients is guaranteed by the Constitution — so why shouldn't an advocacy group have the right to serve those same would - be patients an ad declaiming abortion or offering alternatives to it?

the person being voted for by these individuals probably does have the right scientific markings like, no God, abortion on demand no matter how late in term, good in business and stealing (er) expropriating for personal gain, cheating on your mate, etc, etc. 2nd.

By framing abortion as a nearly unqualified constitutional right, without fully considering the claims of fetal life, we have not taken a stride to a more virtuous society.

That right was outweighed by the fundamental constitutional right to abortion.

Rather, Defund Planned Parenthood protesters abhor abortion as a profound violation of human rights, and they believe that the videos released by the Center for Medical Progress prove that Planned Parenthood harbors a crass and denigrating attitude toward the unborn — hard to dispute.

The outstanding example, of course, is the Chinese government's long - running «one - child policy,» replete with forced abortions, public trackings of menstrual cycles, family flight, increased female infanticide, sterilization, and other assaults too numerous even to begin cataloguing here — in fact, so numerous that they are now widely, if often grudgingly, acknowledged as wrongs even by international human - rights bureaucracies.

(This is organizationally verified by United Methodist agencies» maintaining membership in the Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice [RCRC], a political lobby that defends and advances all abortion rights, and that opposes all moral arguments, political moves, and legal decisions against abortion.

But when that manifestation of disoriented tenderness occurs again as dissipated by an almost universal acceptance of abortion, Mother Teresa is right to say (as Percy quotes her): «If a mother can kill her unborn child, I can kill you, and you can kill me.»

The association with the Religious Right has cost Grey some support among liberals, who believe that by working with the right, Grey legitimates their position on other issues, such as abortion and gay riRight has cost Grey some support among liberals, who believe that by working with the right, Grey legitimates their position on other issues, such as abortion and gay riright, Grey legitimates their position on other issues, such as abortion and gay rights.

If we actuall had a Congress who cared about the People they swore to serve and did not take vacations 1 week for every 2 they work (new Boehner rule when he became Speaker), actually did work and created bills that were other than ending abortion rights or killing Medicare, stopped opposing ending the fraud Bush wars that raise our debt by more than a trillion a month (and Republicans then blame Obama for the rising debt from their wars), and acted like humans we would already be well into recovery.

Even If the due - process provision calls on the court to protect rights recognized by tradition or widespread consensus, there is a problem with Roe: it involved neither Antiabortion laws were decades old, and although a few states had partly decriminalized abortion, Roe went much further and struck down laws in virtually every state.

Only by adopting a highly debatable moral argument pitting women's rights against fetal rights could the court give abortion rights constitutional status.

I often meet abortion rights advocates who honestly thought that the national controversy over abortion would simply melt away within a few years of the Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortion, handed down by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1973.

Part of the Ten Commandments, this passage has been used by many social conservatives to argue against Roe v. Wade and abortion rights.

By redefining the term they were attempting to backdoor their way into going after abortion rights, stem cell research, and anything having to do with little cells of «persons» living inside one big person.

The right to an abortion has been established by the Supreme Court, NO case since has swayed the Court to reverse that decision.

Mother Teresa reflected that «once living love is destroyed by contraception, abortion follows very easily».7 She was right.

What especially struck me was that Richard, by then a controversial figure who had criticized the World Council of Churches and who had denounced the abortion right created by Roe v. Wade, loved debate and encouraged thinkers with diverse points of view to gather together.

We have to make a better effort, by both sides, to prevent unwanted pregnancies and abortions, but women should still have the right to choose.

Sex - selection abortions are legal in the wide - open «right» to abortion declared by the court.

Yet another view accents the plight of the woman who undergoes an abortion: her right to privacy, the tragic necessity imposed by unwanted pregnancies, the sociocultural milieu with its polarized emotions.

Forty - five leading pro-life advocates, including Gary Bauer of the Family Research Council, James Dobson of Focus on the Family, Clarke Forsythe of Americans United for Life, Wanda Franz of the National Right to Life Committee, and Ralph Reed of the Christian Coalition, signed a much heralded joint «Statement of Pro-Life Principle and Concern» published in First Things in 1996 in which the primary legal complaint was made that Roe «wounded American democracy» by removing the issue of abortion from «democratic concern.»

Some Catholics, going beyond the bishops and the Pope, maintain that the death penalty, like abortion and euthanasia, is a violation of the right to life and an unauthorized usurpation by human beings of God's sole lordship over life and death.

One alternative that seems ruled out by all of the churches» statements is the secularist's pro-choice argument that abortion is simply a matter of the mother's right to control her own body.

The great issues of our time are moral: the uses of power; wealth and poverty; human rights; the moral quality and character of society; loss of the sense of the common good in tandem with the pampering of private interests; domestic violence; outrageous legal and medical costs in a system of maldistributed services; unprecedented developments in biotechnologies which portend good but risk evil; the violation of public trust by high elected officials and their appointees; the growing militarization of many societies; continued racism; the persistence of hunger and malnutrition; a still exploding population in societies hard put to increase jobs and resources; abortion; euthanasia; care for the environment; the claims of future generations.

Arkes agrees, precisely, that slavery and abortion can be defended in the «discourse» of natural rights; what he is concerned to assert is that the understanding of that discourse is destroyed by such defense — in our time as well as in Lincoln's.

In the same way, if we are, as the abortion - choice movement must assume, bearers of moral rights by nature (including the «right to choose»), then there can be no right to abortion, for the one who has the «right to choose» is identical to her prenatal self.

Don't want an abortion, don't have one but don't think your personal belief trumps the laws that you must bide by in this world and please don't think they deserve respect when obviously they are being use to step on other peoples rights to freedom over their own body.

(Examples, in addition to the statements on abortion cited above, include a 1970 LCA statement on ecology, a 1979 UCC statement on human rights and at least two statements by the National Council of Churches — a 1979 statement on energy and a 1986 statement on genetic science.)

I'm also told by your agenda that I can not have an opinion on a woman's right choose [death — abortion] because I'm not a woman.

The Catholic Church in Ireland has responded to the announcement of a new referendum on abortion rights by urging people to be «courageous» and take a «principled» stand for the sanctity of life.

Its funny that you want to take my right as a human to defend myself with as much firepower as possible but you do nt want to «trample» the rights of women by not allowing them to have abortions which kill over a million children per year.

First, the Religious Coalition for Abortion Rights has been making free exercise arguments for abortion for twenty years, and these claims were routinely rejected even by pro-choice courts, even beforAbortion Rights has been making free exercise arguments for abortion for twenty years, and these claims were routinely rejected even by pro-choice courts, even beforabortion for twenty years, and these claims were routinely rejected even by pro-choice courts, even before Smith.

The subsequent lawsuit, known as Roe v Wade, led to the Supreme Court's 1973 ruling that established abortion rights, though by that time Ms McCorvey had given birth and given her daughter up for adoption.

The statement, signed by major religious - right figures like James Dobson, was also signed by proponents of the Come Let Us Reason Together abortion - reduction strategy, including Wallis and Mercer University Christian ethics professor David Gushee.

Of course she says nothing about her husband's policy of overlooking human rights violations by China, including the slave labor of uncounted thousands and forced abortions for pregnant women with more than one child.

This perspective unmistakably reveals the unwholesomeness, not to put it more strongly, of our way of life: our obsession with sex, violence, and the pornography of «making it;» our addictive dependence on drugs, «entertainment,» and the evening news; our impatience with anything that limits our sovereign freedom of choice, especially with the constraints of marital and familial ties; our preference for «nonbinding commitments;» our third - rate educational system; our third - rate morality; our refusal to draw a distinction between right and wrong, lest we «impose» their morality on us; our reluctance to judge or be judged; our indifference to the needs of future generations, as evidence by our willingness to saddle them with a huge national debt, an overgrown arsenal of destruction, and a deteriorating environment; our unsated assumption, which underlies so much of the propaganda for unlimited abortion, that only those children born for success ought to be allowed to be born at all.

With the same dynamic, the «Christian Right» is tagged with the responsibility for unsettling our national politics by injecting the issues of abortion and school prayer.

Abortion Politics: Mutiny in the Ranks of the Right by Michele McKeegan Free Press, 227 pages, $ 22.95 A Planned Parenthood professional argues that pro-choice Republicans will desert their pro-life party and, along the way, she exposes the fact that the Catholic Church and rightwing Protestants are the backbone of the anti-abortion movement.

The author Naomi Wolf, who favors the right to abort, has challenged the feminists whose rhetoric seeks to disguise the truth that a human being is killed by abortion.

But many evangelicals wound up feeling betrayed by Carter's liberalism, and Reagan's courtship of first - generation Christian right leaders, as well as his conservative rhetoric on issues like abortion, sent hordes of evangelicals to the GOP.

If we measure left and right by support for or opposition to abortion and Bill Clinton, which is a reasonable measure in this case, twelve of the groups represented are very far left indeed — including Catholics for a Free Choice, Human Rights Campaign (a leading gay rights organization), People for the American Way, AIDS National Interfaith Network, and Religious Coalition for Reproductive CRights Campaign (a leading gay rights organization), People for the American Way, AIDS National Interfaith Network, and Religious Coalition for Reproductive Crights organization), People for the American Way, AIDS National Interfaith Network, and Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice.

The writers of the report are, perhaps, most disturbed by the fact that «even when legal, abortion is often prevented or delayed by obstacles to the access of appropriate services, such as the widespread use of conscientious objection, medically unnecessary waiting periods or biased counselling»; and calls on Member States to «regulate and monitor the use of conscientious objection in the key professions, so as to ensure that reproductive healthcare is guaranteed as an individual's right.»

(25) And these most definitely include the «right» to an abortion: «women have the right to decide freely and responsibly the number, timing and spacing of their children, as established by international human rights law.»

Some may be somewhat in limbo because of differing opinions as to what is right, for example, abortion which is regarded by some as horribly immoral and by others as a legitimate step in some cases toward better family life with better rearing of those children who are born, and toward a better - fed world.

In the regime of Roe and its judicial progeny, psychological distress triggers a constitutional right to abortion, even if the distress is occasioned by being denied an abortion.

The «gender equality» UN norm is inclusive of and inseparable from the other UN norm of «reproductive health and rights», which is itself inclusive, inter alia, of «safe abortion» and of universal access to contraceptive information and services by 2015.

The truth is that many Supreme Court justices appointed by pro-life presidents have voted to uphold abortion rights, so the issue is far more complex than we are often willing to admit.