Sentences with phrase «by centuries of tradition»

They have not been held back by centuries of tradition and procedures which appear peculiar to a modern political system.

Not exact matches

The plantation mixes centuries - old traditions — most of the work is done by hand — and the latest agricultural methods.

PASTA has been enjoyed for centuries and by tradition, Italian people have consumed more than the rest of the world's population put together.

Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce, known for infighting when picking its leader, is considering breaking a century of banking tradition by looking for an outsider instead.

Such accusations were presented by the Roman Critic Celsus (citing Jewish traditions) in the 2nd century AD and of course, denied by Christian Apologists.

You miss the mystics of all traditions who are far closer to the teachings and path of Christ than anyone who simply follows a book written by man centuries after he lived.

By the sixteenth century — the age of Shakespeare — a well - established tradition of self - examination existed, as is evident from the many guides to the spiritual life for those who would assay it.

Call upon the various religious groups bound by the same national fabric to address their mutual state of selective amnesia that blocks memories of centuries of joint and shared living on the same land; we call upon them to rebuild the past by reviving this tradition of conviviality, and restoring our shared trust that has been eroded by extremists using acts of terror and aggression;

Much of the information that has come down to us by tradition about the authorship, place and date of biblical writings, about differences of text and translation, and the like, is the outcome of intelligent critical discussion which took place between the first century and the fourth.

You will observe that not one of the books of the Old Testament (in its finished form) is of earlier date than the eighth century BC Before that time there existed traditions handed down by word of mouth, and various documentary records and compositions, which were used by later writers.

Almost forgotten in the last two decades of his life and completely forgotten today except by students of American religious history, Ward was a nationally prominent radical in the early twentieth - century tradition of Walter Rauschenbusch's Social Gospel movement.

Upon the basis of Paul's teaching, taken alone, Christianity might possibly have foundered a century later in the rising sea of Gnosticism; possessing Mark's compilation of the historic traditions, later amplified by the other evangelists, the church held true to its course, steering with firm, unslackened grip upon the historic origins of its faith.

The Jewish scholar Joseph Klausner, for example, holds that the Pharisees and Sadducees were justified in their attacks on Jesus because he imperiled Jewish culture at its foundations, and that by ignoring everything that belongs to wholesome social life he undercut the work of centuries.2 Others within the Christian tradition have felt considerable uneasiness lest the words of Jesus about nonresistance imperil the civil power of the State, or his words about having no anxiety for food or drink or other material possessions curtail an economic motivation essential to society.

For the tradition to which Plato had been heir, paideia was as essential to the well - being of the public realm as of the political realm, by forming virtuous citizens capable of filling political roles wisely; for fourth - century Greek - speaking Christians paideia, while it aimed to shape persons» private interiority rather than their public political activity, contributed to the well - being of the public realm as a cultural realm accessible to any literate, educated person, Christian or pagan.

By the third century A.D. the practice of paideia treated all the classical philosophical traditions — Stoic, Epicurean, Aristotelian, but most of all Platonic — with religious interests.

It was in this spirit of mediating tradition with the challenges of the twentieth century that the forty - two - year - old Dubois, recognized as a gifted theologian and scholar of Thomas Aquinas, was tasked by his superiors with strengthening the Catholic presence in Israel.

However, it is unclear whether she links the tradition of ontological change only to the «newer» (that is, from the 11th and 12th centuries onwards) and «narrower» (pp205 - 206) interpretation of ordination, for she suggests that an ontological change took place in both St Peter and St Paul symbolised by their name changes in the New Testament (p47).

On the one hand our ties to tradition, whatever religious or ethnic group we come from, have been enormously eroded in the last century by the advance of modernization.

After Popes Gregory XVI, Pius IX, and Leo XIII corrected the Kantianism and Hegelianism of some early - nineteenth century Catholic intellectuals» namely Georg Hermes and Anton Günther» a tradition - oriented ethos developed in which Catholic thinkers, by and large, resisted the temptations of modernity and instead harvested the wisdom rooted in ancient and medieval sources.

McCoy suggests that Whitehead, too, may have been shaped by biblical ways of thinking: «Indeed, it is highly probable that the process philosophies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries emerged from contexts influenced by the covenantal or federal tradition and thus are in part intellectual progeny of covenantal theology and ethics» (CCE 360).

Problem is the stains of Greek philosophical techniques through the centuries = the traditions brought aboard by the humans.

While it was prominent in German pietism in the post-Reformation period, and was particularly important in the Calvinist Reformation (where Psalm texts dominated), the modern hymn book is heavily influenced by the 19th - century tradition of the English hymn.

I will use the generic term «sign» from the semiotic tradition revived by Charles Peirce at the end of the nineteenth century to stand for any object of interpretation.

The Catholic Philanthropic Tradition in America By Mary J. Oates Indiana University Press, 231 pages, $ 27.95 In the last century and first part of this one, Catholics established the largest network of charitable institutions in the nation.

These principles have a notable ancestry within the Calvinist tradition with which I identify: from the concept of sphere sovereignty developed by Dutch theologian and statesman Abraham Kuyper, to the Politics of the sixteenth - century German Calvinist Althusius, all the way back to Calvin himself, who spent the greater part of his career struggling for the freedom of the Church in a city where civil rulers dictated ecclesiastical policy.

There is an Assyrian tradition that the wise men who came from the East to visit infant Jesus were from Edessa and that they went to Bethlehem in fulfillment of a prophecy made by Zoroaster in the seventh century BC.

The class of persons on whom by the tradition of centuries the task fell, of bringing to light the hidden presuppositions of everyday thought, whether scientific or historical, (I refer of course to the official teachers of philosophy) were treated with a contemptuous neglect.

The theoretical tradition initiated by Max Weber nearly a century ago has remained a popular perspective from which to examine religion, ideology, and, in general, the processes of change in these cultural systems.

The history of the church in Asia in the 13th and 14th centuries outside the subcontinent of India to the south, says Moffett, was dominated by the political power and traditions of three great Mongol conquerors, Hulegu, Kublai and Timor (better known as Tamerlane).

The Addai traditions were as persistent in the early church of Mesopotamia as the Thomas traditions were in India By the end of the fourth century Addai was commonly accepted by Syrian writers both Eastern and Western as the founder of their churcBy the end of the fourth century Addai was commonly accepted by Syrian writers both Eastern and Western as the founder of their churcby Syrian writers both Eastern and Western as the founder of their church.

And the bulk of this information was collected by Gustav Dalman and Joachim Jeremias toward the opening of the present century, before the modernization of Palestine obscured the tradition of the past.

Rather, her point is that the twentieth century might have been more humane if the ideologues of the nineteenth century had their sledgehammer theories softened, perhaps even overturned, by the twisting, evasive, allusive verbal ambiance of Yiddish, a folk tradition of language that testifies to the uncertainties and fragilities of life.

The Christian documents of the second and later centuries which contained information about the Apostolic age handed down by tradition, must also be regarded as providing a very limited help for the reconstruction of the history of the earliest period.

The earliest ecclesiastical tradition regarding the origin of the Gospel of Mark is that given by Papias of Hierapolis, who lived in the first half of the second century.

The soundness of the underlying tradition has been questioned by certain modern writers who object, quite properly, to the weight it has been forced to bear, not only by Papias in the second century but by many exegetes and interpreters since.

The Old Testament properly so called is the corpus of books, written and handed down in Hebrew (or in the kindred Aramaic), which were received as Scripture in the first century of our era by Hebrew - speaking Jews, representing the central tradition of Hebrew and Jewish religion.

Our study of the path followed by the idiom, however, has made it abundantly clear that while the Lucan tradition has been dominant throughout most of Christian history, it is by no means the only view that has been held by Christians, particularly in the first and twentieth centuries.

By the third century following Christ's death, different traditions arose about the date of his birth.

We must remember that by the beginning of the second century a wide rift had opened up between Jew and Christian, and Christianity was primarily spreading among the Gentiles, to whom the traditions of ancient Israel were foreign, and who, on the other hand, were mostly Greek - speaking and immersed in Hellenistic culture.

In the first chapter we opened up a discussion of what is meant by the term «resurrection», and found that this quickly led us to the traditional conception of the resurrection of Jesus, a view often known as «bodily resurrection», which, with minor variations, has dominated Christian tradition for about eighteen centuries.

In a well - told sketch of our economic and political history, Levin outlines the ways in which our progressive tradition responded to the fragmentation brought on by rapid industrialization and mass immigration in the late nineteenth century.

Once the resurrection of Jesus came to be proclaimed by way of a narrative set within an historical context, it is not surprising that, after the death of the apostles, Christians of the latter part of the first century expanded this tradition and produced others.

It is quite otherwise, however, with Elijah, the ninth century prophet, who, according to the Biblical tradition, had been carried up to heaven in a whirlwind riding in a chariot of fire, drawn by horses of fire.13 Elijah had made such an impression on the men of his own generation as a man of vitality and divine power that he continued to be a living legend.

By the following century Lutheran theology had returned to the medieval tradition in which it was thought that the souls of the departed already live in blessedness with Christ in a bodiless condition, and where, for this reason, the significance of the general resurrection was considerably lessened.56 It was left to extremist Christian groups, such as the Anabaptists, to affirm the doctrine of soul - sleep and to describe human destiny solely in terms of a fleshly resurrection at the end - time.

This new apologetic task is not unlike other apologetic tasks undertaken by Christianity in other periods, especially at the time the biblical tradition encountered the Greco - Roman world in the first centuries of the Christian era, from Paul to Augustine, and at the time of the transition from the Middle Ages to the dawn of modernity, including the great reformations of Europe and the Americas.

As the Roman Catholic and Orthodox traditions have known for centuries, and many other churches have discovered too, the only way that this extraordinary narrative will yield its meaning is quite simply if we play the events at their original speed — God's speed, not ours — living in and through the events day by day: the grieving farewells, the betrayal and denial, the shuddering fear in the garden, the stretched - out day of torture and forsakenness, and the daybreak of wonder, color and tomb - bursting newborn life.

As early as 554 A.D., priests who disclosed confessions were severely punished (William Harold Tiemann and John C. Bush, The Right to Silence: Privileged Communications and the Law [Abingdon, 1983], p. 35) By the close of the ninth century, priests revealing the matter of a confession were deposed and exiled for life (p. 36) In the Catholic tradition, confession is seen as a sacrament that conveys grace.

How literally does this powerful and sweeping claim, supported by several important texts in the New Testament and by centuries of Christian tradition, need to be taken?

A century ago, T. S. Eliot presented the image of a self - organizing literary culture in «Tradition and the Individual Talent,» one in which «[t] he existing monuments form an ideal order among themselves, which is modified by the introduction of the new (the really new) work of art among them,» which alters «the whole existing order... if ever so slightly.»

The daily life of Muslims is guided by an elaborate code of laws worked out over the centuries, based first on the Qur» an, then on the traditions concerning the Prophet, then the consensus of the Islamic community, and finally in a limited area on individual interpretation.