Sentences with phrase «by middle tax»

Conclusion: This couple suffers a net tax cost because UCCB is lost, mitigated somewhat by middle tax bracket rate cut.

Not exact matches

Important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those reflected in such forward - looking statements and that should be considered in evaluating our outlook include, but are not limited to, the following: 1) our ability to continue to grow our business and execute our growth strategy, including the timing, execution, and profitability of new and maturing programs; 2) our ability to perform our obligations under our new and maturing commercial, business aircraft, and military development programs, and the related recurring production; 3) our ability to accurately estimate and manage performance, cost, and revenue under our contracts, including our ability to achieve certain cost reductions with respect to the B787 program; 4) margin pressures and the potential for additional forward losses on new and maturing programs; 5) our ability to accommodate, and the cost of accommodating, announced increases in the build rates of certain aircraft; 6) the effect on aircraft demand and build rates of changing customer preferences for business aircraft, including the effect of global economic conditions on the business aircraft market and expanding conflicts or political unrest in the Middle East or Asia; 7) customer cancellations or deferrals as a result of global economic uncertainty or otherwise; 8) the effect of economic conditions in the industries and markets in which we operate in the U.S. and globally and any changes therein, including fluctuations in foreign currency exchange rates; 9) the success and timely execution of key milestones such as the receipt of necessary regulatory approvals, including our ability to obtain in a timely fashion any required regulatory or other third party approvals for the consummation of our announced acquisition of Asco, and customer adherence to their announced schedules; 10) our ability to successfully negotiate, or re-negotiate, future pricing under our supply agreements with Boeing and our other customers; 11) our ability to enter into profitable supply arrangements with additional customers; 12) the ability of all parties to satisfy their performance requirements under existing supply contracts with our two major customers, Boeing and Airbus, and other customers, and the risk of nonpayment by such customers; 13) any adverse impact on Boeing's and Airbus» production of aircraft resulting from cancellations, deferrals, or reduced orders by their customers or from labor disputes, domestic or international hostilities, or acts of terrorism; 14) any adverse impact on the demand for air travel or our operations from the outbreak of diseases or epidemic or pandemic outbreaks; 15) our ability to avoid or recover from cyber-based or other security attacks, information technology failures, or other disruptions; 16) returns on pension plan assets and the impact of future discount rate changes on pension obligations; 17) our ability to borrow additional funds or refinance debt, including our ability to obtain the debt to finance the purchase price for our announced acquisition of Asco on favorable terms or at all; 18) competition from commercial aerospace original equipment manufacturers and other aerostructures suppliers; 19) the effect of governmental laws, such as U.S. export control laws and U.S. and foreign anti-bribery laws such as the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the United Kingdom Bribery Act, and environmental laws and agency regulations, both in the U.S. and abroad; 20) the effect of changes in tax law, such as the effect of The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (the «TCJA») that was enacted on December 22, 2017, and changes to the interpretations of or guidance related thereto, and the Company's ability to accurately calculate and estimate the effect of such changes; 21) any reduction in our credit ratings; 22) our dependence on our suppliers, as well as the cost and availability of raw materials and purchased components; 23) our ability to recruit and retain a critical mass of highly - skilled employees and our relationships with the unions representing many of our employees; 24) spending by the U.S. and other governments on defense; 25) the possibility that our cash flows and our credit facility may not be adequate for our additional capital needs or for payment of interest on, and principal of, our indebtedness; 26) our exposure under our revolving credit facility to higher interest payments should interest rates increase substantially; 27) the effectiveness of any interest rate hedging programs; 28) the effectiveness of our internal control over financial reporting; 29) the outcome or impact of ongoing or future litigation, claims, and regulatory actions; 30) exposure to potential product liability and warranty claims; 31) our ability to effectively assess, manage and integrate acquisitions that we pursue, including our ability to successfully integrate the Asco business and generate synergies and other cost savings; 32) our ability to consummate our announced acquisition of Asco in a timely matter while avoiding any unexpected costs, charges, expenses, adverse changes to business relationships and other business disruptions for ourselves and Asco as a result of the acquisition; 33) our ability to continue selling certain receivables through our supplier financing program; 34) the risks of doing business internationally, including fluctuations in foreign current exchange rates, impositions of tariffs or embargoes, compliance with foreign laws, and domestic and foreign government policies; and 35) our ability to complete the proposed accelerated stock repurchase plan, among other thintax law, such as the effect of The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (the «TCJA») that was enacted on December 22, 2017, and changes to the interpretations of or guidance related thereto, and the Company's ability to accurately calculate and estimate the effect of such changes; 21) any reduction in our credit ratings; 22) our dependence on our suppliers, as well as the cost and availability of raw materials and purchased components; 23) our ability to recruit and retain a critical mass of highly - skilled employees and our relationships with the unions representing many of our employees; 24) spending by the U.S. and other governments on defense; 25) the possibility that our cash flows and our credit facility may not be adequate for our additional capital needs or for payment of interest on, and principal of, our indebtedness; 26) our exposure under our revolving credit facility to higher interest payments should interest rates increase substantially; 27) the effectiveness of any interest rate hedging programs; 28) the effectiveness of our internal control over financial reporting; 29) the outcome or impact of ongoing or future litigation, claims, and regulatory actions; 30) exposure to potential product liability and warranty claims; 31) our ability to effectively assess, manage and integrate acquisitions that we pursue, including our ability to successfully integrate the Asco business and generate synergies and other cost savings; 32) our ability to consummate our announced acquisition of Asco in a timely matter while avoiding any unexpected costs, charges, expenses, adverse changes to business relationships and other business disruptions for ourselves and Asco as a result of the acquisition; 33) our ability to continue selling certain receivables through our supplier financing program; 34) the risks of doing business internationally, including fluctuations in foreign current exchange rates, impositions of tariffs or embargoes, compliance with foreign laws, and domestic and foreign government policies; and 35) our ability to complete the proposed accelerated stock repurchase plan, among other thinTax Cuts and Jobs Act (the «TCJA») that was enacted on December 22, 2017, and changes to the interpretations of or guidance related thereto, and the Company's ability to accurately calculate and estimate the effect of such changes; 21) any reduction in our credit ratings; 22) our dependence on our suppliers, as well as the cost and availability of raw materials and purchased components; 23) our ability to recruit and retain a critical mass of highly - skilled employees and our relationships with the unions representing many of our employees; 24) spending by the U.S. and other governments on defense; 25) the possibility that our cash flows and our credit facility may not be adequate for our additional capital needs or for payment of interest on, and principal of, our indebtedness; 26) our exposure under our revolving credit facility to higher interest payments should interest rates increase substantially; 27) the effectiveness of any interest rate hedging programs; 28) the effectiveness of our internal control over financial reporting; 29) the outcome or impact of ongoing or future litigation, claims, and regulatory actions; 30) exposure to potential product liability and warranty claims; 31) our ability to effectively assess, manage and integrate acquisitions that we pursue, including our ability to successfully integrate the Asco business and generate synergies and other cost savings; 32) our ability to consummate our announced acquisition of Asco in a timely matter while avoiding any unexpected costs, charges, expenses, adverse changes to business relationships and other business disruptions for ourselves and Asco as a result of the acquisition; 33) our ability to continue selling certain receivables through our supplier financing program; 34) the risks of doing business internationally, including fluctuations in foreign current exchange rates, impositions of tariffs or embargoes, compliance with foreign laws, and domestic and foreign government policies; and 35) our ability to complete the proposed accelerated stock repurchase plan, among other things.

If applied today, revenue neutrality would inevitably hurt the middle - class by forcing curtailment of tax breaks, he said.

«Middle - class Americans itemizing their deductions may actually get hurt by tax reform.»

The goal of the Trump tax plan is to deliver a tax break to middle income families by lowering rates and doubling the standard deduction, Hassett said.

Macron's reforms to cut housing taxes paid by the French middle class could lead to further growth in demand that should drive further strong loan growth in the mortgage area, which is already benefiting from the improving economic backdrop.

Another 15 percent or so is earmarked to pay other debts: student loans to get the education required for middle class employment, auto loans to drive to work (from the urban sprawl promoted by tax shifts favoring real estate «developers»), credit card debt, personal loans and retail credit.

And they run the risk of being attacked, accurately, by Democrats for proposing to increase taxes on middle - class Americans come 2026.

He addressed this problem a bit by lowering the bottom rate to 10 percent from 12 percent in the campaign plan, but it's still likely that a Trump proposal that includes these elements will result in a tax increase for millions of middle - class people, and the lower standard deduction doesn't help:

What doesn't play in the state's favor is its high cost of living, bolstered by higher - than - average home prices and middling deposit account rates — and the second - highest median property tax in the country.

The basic idea is that while most economists believe corporate taxes are primarily paid by owners of capital (that is, people who own stock in corporations) in the form of lower profits, a sizable minority, including White House chief economist Kevin Hassett, think that a lower tax rate would spark so much additional investment in the United States that it would bid up wages and leave the middle class better off through its indirect effects.

It could have chosen to lower spending by $ 277 million, to increase income taxes for middle earners by a few points, or to let the deficit come in $ 277 million higher.

The Liberal's recently announced «Canada Child Benefit» and «Middle Class Tax Cut» are largely funded by eliminating Conservative tax cuts and by the by the introduction of a new high - income tax rate of 33 perceTax Cut» are largely funded by eliminating Conservative tax cuts and by the by the introduction of a new high - income tax rate of 33 percetax cuts and by the by the introduction of a new high - income tax rate of 33 percetax rate of 33 percent.

All told, though, the plan is, like its House counterpart, a proposal to dramatically slash corporate tax rates, open up a big new loophole for wealthy individuals, and pay for the cuts by dramatically expanding the national debt and ending a number of tax deductions that could leave a substantial share of middle - and upper - middle - class people paying more.

«Among the working - age population, the rise in income for middle - class families has been fuelled by higher female employment rates, and, to a lesser extent, by higher wages and tax reductions,» says the presentation delivered to Flaherty.

We will give middle class Canadians a tax break, by making taxes more fair.

The Conservative government's tax relief measures have seen low - and middle - income Canadians receive proportionately greater relief, she said, with about one - third of the personal income tax relief provided by the government in 2013 going to Canadians with incomes in the first tax bracket (under $ 43,561).

Real after - tax income of middle - class families (considered the middle quintile or middle one - fifth of families) in Canada grew by only seven per cent between 1976 and 2010 — or 0.2 per cent per year — according to the report, with the average family income (after taxes and transfers) totalling $ 49,700 in 2010 for the middle - income families.

In fact, the growth in real average (after - tax, after - transfer) family income from 1976 to 2010 was the smallest in the middle - income group, at seven per cent, while the top quintile (top 20 per cent) saw their family income grow by 27 per cent during that time.

But it would not only totally offset the new limit on deducting state taxes — it would amount to a sizable tax cut for many middle - class families and would vastly simplify tax preparation by freeing people up from filing their own state taxes.

While a change on Monday restored a $ 3.2 billion middle - class provision allowing those enrolled in employer - sponsored dependent - care savings plans to deduct up to $ 5,000 from their taxes, a revision on Friday rolled back individual tax cuts by nearly $ 82 billion by indexing individual tax parameters to a different measure of inflation that tends to grow more slowly.

The tax break relating to premiums paid for mortgage insurance is generally claimed by low - and middle - income filers, according to the IRS.

By contrast to the so called middle - class tax cut which favours the more affluent, the CCB will have a positive impact upon the lamentably high rate of child poverty in Canada (which stood at 16.5 % in 2013), and will promote greater income equality among families with children.

«Eliminating or significantly modifying this deduction will lead to higher tax burdens for tens of millions of middle - class taxpayers of every political affiliation, an outcome contrary to the stated goal of providing meaningful relief to taxpayers,» said the letter co-signed by outgoing NCSL President Deb Peters, of South Dakota.

It's a perfect response to the nastiness of the tax plan being pushed by the GOP - controlled Congress and a way for the state to help middle - and low - income families by making wealthier individuals pay more.

The carbon tax in particular has been championed as a tax on the wealthy, when in fact, it's the lower and middle class who are most affected by this tax on everything.

By advising Presidents and Congressmen to do the right thing and tax the 400 richest Americans the same as the middle class has endeared him to millions.

By contrast, middle - income US households will on average gain $ 930 each from the tax cut bill passed at the end of last year.

Progressives will be expecting the government to deliver on its ambitious social agenda, and will note that this could be easily funded on the revenue side by implementing a modest corporate tax increase, by scaling back the so - called middle class tax cut, and by setting more ambitious targets for the promised Liberal review of tax loopholes for the most affluent.

(Prior to that, Congress had to «patch» the AMT by increasing the exemption amount, to prevent middle - income taxpayers from being affected by the tax due to inflation.)

Over the weekend, the Middle East Monitor reported that the country's new budget would increase the VAT by two percent and levy new taxes on the sale of old cars and homes.

To accommodate the requests, Brady would have to find new tax revenue elsewhere, possibly by shrinking the size of provisions in the bill aimed at benefiting middle - and working - class households.

December through April is the peak, which makes sense as this is bracketed by the holidays and tax refunds, with NBA All - Star Weekend in the middle.

The same is also true for the special tax credits that were introduced by the Conservatives since 2006 to help «middle - income families» put their kids in athletic or cultural activities.

Parochial schools are supported by church funds in addition to tuition, not tax dollars, providing in many areas a reasonable alternative for working class and middle class parishioners and removing these millions of students from the public education system paid for by taxpayers.

It will cut taxes for us rich folks while raising taxes on the middle class by up to $ 2,000 a year... great plan!

Months after he took office the economy was in a recession, and by time he left office taxes on the middle class were WAY UP including mine, and the deficit TRIPLED.

Please don't think I'm going all Porcher on you: But the argument that America has in some ways become too oligarchic is nontrivial (even THE WALL STREET JOURNAL is starting to notice a bit), and it's not that clear that smaller government or lower taxes by themselves will grow jobs for our increasingly pathological middle / lower middle class.

True believers in the dominant model tell us that the solution of our problems is to reduce taxes on corporations and the rich, reduce government services to the poor and middle class, improve the climate for business by reducing work place and environmental protections and minimum wage requirements, privatizing public services, and facilitating the investment of capital overseas.

By unity do you mean more tax cuts for the rich and up to $ 2,000 more a year in taxes for the middle class?

He can say whatever he wants, but his actions prove that he is NOT for the middle class and has made them poorer by raising taxes and welfare / foodstamp / disability / unemployment numbers instead of getting America back to work.

«The middle ‐ class of New York undoubtedly faces a tremendous burden from taxes, but the true economic engine of this State, small business owners, are consistently being crushed by taxes, regulations and mandates.

«Vince has the experience we need to revitalize our economy by promoting small business growth, creating good - paying jobs and providing real middle - class tax relief and economic opportunity,» Giuliani said in a statement released by Tabone's campaign, which also included a photo of the candidate and his ex-boss at a recent fundraiser at the Grand Havana Club in Manhattan.

The tax cap has protected New Yorkers from being further burdened by government spending and has helped preserve the middle class.

The Dems and Republican RINOs are all the same, they all are controlled by the real estate interests who pay no taxes while sticking it to the middle class.

In fact, she sold hardworking Upstate families out by voting for the disastrous GOP healthcare bill that hurts the middle class and imposes a devastating «Age Tax.»

Trump's promise to end state and local deductions — one element of his tax reform blueprint unveiled in April — would raise taxes on over one million middle - class New Yorkers and increase the city's federal tax burden by a whopping $ 7 billion, according to a new analysis from NYC Comptroller Scott Stringer.

«We've done that several years ago and by the way the same time we raised the taxes on the high earners, we lowered it for middle income earners.»

The final agreement not only burnishes Cuomo's liberal credentials by extending (though not expanding) the millionaire's tax, raising the age of criminal responsibility of New York and addressing the high cost of college tuition for members of the middle class, it also dramatically increases his (already considerable) budget powers, enabling him to single - handedly make spending cuts in the event of widely expected future federal funding reductions.

Despite being described by Democratic leaders as an «economic missile,» the federal tax cuts are doing precisely what congress predicted they would do: giving middle class people, like our $ 79,500 earning state lawmakers, a financial break.