But he seems unable to break out of a universe of discourse more conditioned
by modern liberalism than by ancient Christianity.
Not exact matches
The New Communitarians and the Crisis of
Modern Liberalism by Bruce Frohnen (University Press of Kansas) is a sharply critical treatment of the movement that highlights the ways in which the communitarian impulse has been hijacked
by people such as Mario Cuomo and Hillary Clinton.
«One theme that I keep encountering in SR sessions,» he says, «is the idea that there's something called
modern discourse, which operates according to rigid rules dictated
by secular
liberalism.
Still, such theorists also continue, as did Kant himself, the
modern natural law tradition, at least in the following way: The duties prescribed
by nonteleological
liberalism are defined in terms of rights that are prior to any inclusive good; that is, these rights are separated from, and respect for them overrides, any inclusive telos humans might pursue.
Yet
liberalism as a political theory, understood as a cooperative enterprise for mutual advantage among free and equal persons, is considered
by friend and foe alike the essential expression of what it means to he a political animal in the
modern West.
The Syllabus of Errors, issued in 1864 under the auspices of Pope Pius IX, famously ends
by condemning the proposition that «The Roman Pontiff can, and ought to, reconcile himself, and come to terms with progress,
liberalism, and
modern civilization.»
By the end of the 19th century the scholars of Protestant
liberalism had fully accepted the humanistic origins of the Bible, come to terms with the scientific notion of biological evolution, and were completely confident that the essential core of Christian doctrine could be salvaged intact and re-expressed in terms relevant to the
modern age.
By far the most complicating factor in the debate is that conservatism lives and dies as the antithesis to
liberalism, the
modern Antichrist.
Medieval and early
modern Europe developed forms of federated empire, and the European Union is a postmodern covenant of nations, albeit one distorted
by its adherence to
liberalism.
One of the genuine alternatives in our time to the «dialectical» or «Continental» theology as a constructive advance upon
liberalism is the mode of theological thinking which seeks to reinterpret the force and meaning of the Christian faith within the new intellectual framework that is being provided
by modern metaphysics.
He described the Church as a «little boat of Christian thought» tossed
by waves of «extreme» schools of
modern thought - Marxism,
liberalism, libertinism, collectivism and «radical individualism....
Beer ignores the fundamental sense in which it is
liberalism in
modern thought and experience which has totally trivialized reason
by making it a mere calculative device for self - interest, passionally and habitually understood.
Among them were pantheism and the positions that human reason is the sole arbiter of truth and falsehood and good and evil; that Christian faith contradicts reason; that Christ is a myth; that philosophy must be treated without reference to supernatural revelation; that every man is free to embrace the religion which, guided
by the light of reason, he believes to be true; that Protestantism is another form of the Christian religion in which it is possible to be as pleasing to God as in the Catholic Church; that the civil power can determine the limits within which the Catholic Church may exercise authority; that Roman Pontiffs and Ecumenical Councils have erred in defining matters of faith and morals; that the Church does not have direct or indirect temporal power or the right to invoke force; that in a conflict between Church and State the civil law should prevail; that the civil power has the right to appoint and depose bishops; that the entire direction of public schools in which the youth of Christian states are educated must be
by the civil power; that the Church should be separated from the State and the State from the Church; that moral laws do not need divine sanction; that it is permissible to rebel against legitimate princes; that a civil contract may among Christians constitute true marriage; that the Catholic religion should no longer be the religion of the State to the exclusion of all other forms of worship; and «that the Roman Pontiff can and should reconcile himself to and agree with progress,
liberalism and
modern civilization.»
By liberal culture I mean not only these values of
modern American
liberalism but also its practices in our political order, our schools, our media, and the major institutions (except, to some extent, or course, religious institutions) of our society.
Without a qualifier, the term «
liberalism» since the 1930s in the United States usually refers to «
modern liberalism», a political philosophy exemplified
by Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal and, later, Lyndon Johnson's Great Society.
We (I was the Liberal Democrats» director of policy between 1999 and 2004) developed a
modern restatement of the social
liberalism, called «New Liberalism» in its day, espoused by Hobhouse: social liberalism, greened and decentralised to meet the challenges of the 21s
liberalism, called «New
Liberalism» in its day, espoused by Hobhouse: social liberalism, greened and decentralised to meet the challenges of the 21s
Liberalism» in its day, espoused
by Hobhouse: social
liberalism, greened and decentralised to meet the challenges of the 21s
liberalism, greened and decentralised to meet the challenges of the 21st century.
According to Wikipedia: Without a qualifier, the term «
liberalism» since the 1930s in the United States usually refers to «
modern liberalism», a political philosophy exemplified
by Franklin Delano Roosevelt's...