Sentences with phrase «by public policy as»

Not exact matches

Other analysts, such as Larry Downes, project director at the Georgetown Center for Business and Public Policy, an economic policy think tank, say both reclassification under Title II and regulating under section 706 represent overreach by thPolicy, an economic policy think tank, say both reclassification under Title II and regulating under section 706 represent overreach by thpolicy think tank, say both reclassification under Title II and regulating under section 706 represent overreach by the FCC.
In an era when Mark Zuckerberg can be called on the carpet by Senate investigators because of possible wrongdoing by Facebook over the Russian hacking scandal — and at a time when researchers are actively examining whether social media is psychologically, maybe even physically addictive — revenge porn as a public policy issue is on the ascent.
As an attorney who moved into the public policy and government and now as a university president (all positions in fields dominated by men), I have faced challenges while working my way uAs an attorney who moved into the public policy and government and now as a university president (all positions in fields dominated by men), I have faced challenges while working my way uas a university president (all positions in fields dominated by men), I have faced challenges while working my way up.
«The NY Fed should go back to the drawing board and draw from the deep, diverse, and highly qualified list of candidates provided to it by the Fed Up coalition (as well as surveying the views of other public interest groups),» the Economic Policy Institute's Josh Bivens said in a recent statement.
Angus responded by arguing that Chan's role as the company's leading public policy person in Canada means he's in charge of engaging with government on a wide range of business issues that affect Facebook, which has 23 million users in the country and more than two billion worldwide.
In his appearance before a parliamentary committee, Facebook Canada's public policy head Kevin Chan was questioned by New Democrat MP Charlie Angus on why he had yet to register as a lobbyist, given the fact he's met senior cabinet members, including Finance Minister Bill Morneau.
But it's significant considering that, unlike other major American CEOs who have spoken out about Trump's approach immigration and racial policies, Frazier's response was aggressive and he's not necessarily as well known by the general public.
«We will be profitable, as measured by EBITDA,» said Chris Lehane, global head of policy and public affairs, in a conference call.
The Congress faces an array of policy choices as it confronts the challenges posed by the amount of federal debt held by the public — which has more than doubled relative to the size of the economy since 2007 — and the prospect of continued growth in that debt over the coming decades if the large annual budget deficits projected under current law come to pass.
Yesterday I blogged about rental housing in Yellowknife, over at the Northern Public Affairs web site. Specifically, I blogged about a recent announcement by the city's largest for - profit landlord that it plans to «tighten» its policies vis - a-vis renting to recipients of «income assistance» (which, in most parts of Canada, is known generically as social assistance).
As we argued on numerous occasions, the budget needs to be much more explicit on the proposed policy initiatives; providing sufficient detail and background information for Parliamentary assessment and for a better understanding by the public at large.
Such a debate would be further enriched by a comprehensive study of how countries such as Australia, with its recent policies and public / media perceptions, has fared after instituting new regulations to curb foreign investment.
During his tenure as chairman, Bernanke was acutely aware of the public's deep resentment of the Fed's emergency bailout of financial giants such as AIG as well as policies that inevitably favored the wealthy by spurring the stock market.
An earlier filing might have been a telltale sign about the financial problems to come: Tesla disclosed that it had begun reimbursing Mr. Musk for his use of his private plane, justifying the cost by saying, «By paying only the variable expenses of Mr. Musk's private airplane, consistent with the reimbursement policy in place, we will recognize a cost saving as compared to the customary practice for an initial public offering road show.&raquby saying, «By paying only the variable expenses of Mr. Musk's private airplane, consistent with the reimbursement policy in place, we will recognize a cost saving as compared to the customary practice for an initial public offering road show.&raquBy paying only the variable expenses of Mr. Musk's private airplane, consistent with the reimbursement policy in place, we will recognize a cost saving as compared to the customary practice for an initial public offering road show.»
Without such reasons or explanation, Canadians can only guess as to «the wider public policy factors» (Pembina at para. 74) taken into account by the GiC in ultimately granting project approval.
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While political and foreign policy wonks will understand that Trump isn't necessarily going to end the deal by sending the issue to Congress, broadly speaking it will be read by the American public and the international community as him trying to deliver on his promise to scrap or improve the pact.
The accounting policies underlying the Budget primarily follow those recommended by the Public Sector Accounting Board and we would recommend that the Estimates follow these accounting standards as well.
In the final days, the public policy debates became more lively and diverse as participants began to react to the directions being pushed by WCC staff.
The outstanding example, of course, is the Chinese government's long - running «one - child policy,» replete with forced abortions, public trackings of menstrual cycles, family flight, increased female infanticide, sterilization, and other assaults too numerous even to begin cataloguing here — in fact, so numerous that they are now widely, if often grudgingly, acknowledged as wrongs even by international human - rights bureaucracies.
It is a tragic error that those of us who make the «self - help» argument in internal dialogue concerning alternative - development strategies for black Americans are often construed by the political right as making a public argument for a policy of «benign neglect.»
This policy of supplying, by opposite and rival interests, the defect of better motives, might be traced through the whole system of human affairs, private as well as public.
As applied to modern democracy, the idea is that the moral legitimacy of a law or public policy can not be established merely by showing that it was put into place through the workings of democratic institutions.
1) Churches need to be a voice for economic justice for lower - income families by, for instance, advocating for more generous child and earned - income tax credits, as well as for the elimination of the marriage penalties embedded in many of our public policies directed towards lower - income families.
So long as the prevailing view is that they are not necessarily wrong, public policy in a pluralistic system must be indifferent to any beliefs that can not be independently supported by rational (utilitarian) argument.
Much as the Study of Theological Education in the United States and Canada, directed by H. Richard Niebuhr in the 1950s, became an influential inquiry into the nature of the church and its ministry, so the Danforth study, ostensibly of campus ministries, became an important resource for exploring the necessary relation of religious faith, social ethics and public - policy formulation.
As long as you don't MAKE them my business by interfering with the law, public school policy, or science research, I don't care what you believAs long as you don't MAKE them my business by interfering with the law, public school policy, or science research, I don't care what you believas you don't MAKE them my business by interfering with the law, public school policy, or science research, I don't care what you believe.
But, then, the dirty little secret is exposed: non-religion (or secular humanism, as Torcaso v. Watkins admitted) is just as much a religion as any other, except that by pretending to not be a religion, it becomes the Constitutionally established faith and religious test, not just for public office but anything public (public policy, the public square), whose content is defined by the clerisy of a five justice «theocratic majoritarianism.»
It all started a few years back when, as the senior editor of a Jerusalem - based journal of public thought, I ran into trouble on a 10,000 - word, brilliantly researched essay about Israeli social policy composed by the sweetest man on earth who, unfortunately wasn't a stellar writer.
What troubles me is this: When discussing how to apply the Bible both personally and in public policy, nine times out of ten, the words of Jesus are trumped by some other biblical passage or are discounted as impractical.
He warns that by adding them to the well - publicized list of «fundamental rights and freedoms» which was accepted as public world law in the Universal Declaration of 1948 and its subsequent Conventions, we risk diluting the «true» rights and place them at the mercy of changing policy decisions.
I have myself taken part in a demonstration against a public policy that was later described by «the other side» as being violent and hateful, with the intent to intimidate the school board into breaking the law.
These shifts have already taken place to some extent, but as «our side» ceases to feel surrounded by a monolithic «slave world» the public may be ready to accept much greater changes in policy.
Hence, the use of technology for good purposes runs into three tough problems at once: (1) balancing private wants and social needs; (2) harmonizing the plans made by individual experts with the decisions of the public as a whole; and (3) devising long - range policies in a political system which responds best to immediately felt needs, fears, and wants and which has a generally ill - informed electorate.
Modernization theory views such processes of institutional change within American religion as the alleged differentiation of private piety from public policy, the growing differentiation of secular education from its religious roots, and the emergence of professional therapy as a distinct alternative to pastoral counseling as bellwether trends in advanced industrial societies generally and suggests that they may be in some way influenced by broader international patterns.
Nonetheless, we may also hold that so far as public policy is concerned in a pluralistic society, justice is best served by a Madisonian approach that thwarts the tyranny of the majority.
Could public opinion sustain such a policy as the public seems to oppose even the more limited bombing proposed by President Obama?
There he says, one, that the shift from the concept of «the State's role as providers of equal opportunities to every citizen» to that of providing education, health and other social services «to those who can afford to pay» is a U-turn in public policy which «has been made surreptitiously by administrative action without public discussion and legislative sanction»; two, that the total commercialization of social sectors is «alien even to free market societies»; and three, that «the ready acceptance of self - financing concept in social sectors alien even to free - market societies is the end result of gradual disenchantment with the Kerala Model of Development», which has been emphasizing the social dimension rather than the economic, but that it is quite false to present the situation as calling for a choice between social development and economic growth.
Perusing the index of Origins, the weekly publication of representative documents and speeches compiled by Catholic News Service, our imaginary historian will note, for example, the following initiatives undertaken at the national, diocesan and parish levels in 1994 - 95: providing alternatives to abortion; staffing adoption agencies; conducting adult education courses; addressing African American Catholics» pastoral needs; funding programs to prevent alcohol abuse; implementing a new policy on altar servers and guidelines for the Anointing of the Sick; lobbying for arms control; eliminating asbestos in public housing; supporting the activities of the Association of Catholic Colleges and Universities (227 strong); challenging atheism in American society; establishing base communities (also known as small faith communities); providing aid to war victims in Bosnia; conducting Catholic research in bioethics; publicizing the new Catechism of the Catholic Church; battling child abuse; strengthening the relationship between church and labor unions; and deepening the structures and expressions of collegiality in the local and diocesan church.
Policy - making in media regulation, particularly in the U.S. and to a large extent also in Australia, proceeds generally by forming, or at least undergirding, political decisions on the same «objective» and «scientific» basis developed for less ambiguous areas such as public engineering, economics, and regulation of public safety.
Builders, based in Aledo, Texas, whose expressed goal is «to exert a positive influence in government, education, and the family by 1) educating the nation concerning the Godly foundation of our country; 2) providing information to federal, state and local officials as they develop public policies which reflect Biblical values; and 3) encouraging Christians to get involved in the civic arena.
Evangelicals of a social - justice bent have mounted like - minded projects on a smaller scale, such as the Crossroads Program sponsored by Evangelicals for Social Action (seeded by Pew Trust money in 1992) and its ongoing series of publications on faith and public policy.
However, the Committee's efforts went beyond its charge and authority to develop dietary recommendations based on scientific evidence by advocating for public policies such as taxes and restrictions on foods and beverages.
This is done intentionally by some, and it is merely done unintentionally by others who are so cloaked in their ideology that they can not discern the difference between expressing data and extrapolating public policy prescriptions, for instance, as a result.
These are essentially questions of public policy, and if real solutions are going to be found to the problems of disadvantaged children, these questions will need to be addressed, in a creative and committed way, by public officials at all levels — by school superintendents, school - board members, mayors, governors, and cabinet secretaries — as well as by individual citizens, community groups, and philanthropists across the country.
The International Code of Marketing Breastmilk Substitutes (known in lactivist circles as the «WHO Code»), prohibits formula companies from advertising in any conspicuous way: «There should be no advertising or other form of promotion to the general public of products within the scope of this Code,» proclaims article 5.1 of this policy, coauthored in 1981 by UNICEF and the World Health Organization (WHO).
Virginia Hunger Solutions works to increase participation in school breakfast programs throughout the Commonwealth by promoting alternative breakfast delivery models, such as Breakfast in the Classroom, and innovative public policies, such as the Community Eligibility Provision (CEP).
Intended for use by policy - makers, national breastfeeding committees, breastfeeding advocates, women's health activists and others working for public health in the community, the Resource sets out why breastfeeding in the context of HIV has never been as safe as it is today.
(2014) Directs each local school board to adopt a policy to set aside, in each school in the school division, a non-restroom location that is shielded from the public view to be designated as an area in which any mother who is employed by the local school board or enrolled as a student may take breaks of reasonable length during the school day to express milk to feed her child until the child reaches the age of one.
Third, the publicity afforded to the most recent debate could be viewed as part of a wider effort by the Chinese to indirectly warn North Korea and demonstrate to the outside world, especially the US, that China is open to a more public discussion of policy.
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