Sentences with phrase «by social care»

This one - day, face - to - face training workshop generates solutions to the challenges faced by social care services when implementing the Children and Families Act 2014.

This training addresses the key questions faced by social care services will support you to develop local solutions and shares examples of national practice.

Not exact matches

His team takes content marketing one step further by including aggregated news stories relevant to Sanders» policies, curating the most relevant information into a single feed on his website, called «Democracy Daily,» focusing on what Sanders cares about most and providing easy social sharing options.

The widely enjoyed social benefits residents get in exchange for their taxes, such as universal health care, access to education and subsidized parental leave, could have something to do with the «strong social foundations» touted by Sachs.

«This social contract between employer and employee basically said, «If you come to work every day, and you work hard, and you give the corporation a measure of loyalty, we in turn will take care of you, often for the rest of your life, by extending healthcare and generous pensions to retirees.»»

Fortune ran numbers to calculate how much extra revenue the U.S. would need to raise, over the next decade, if it lowered the rate of growth in Social Security by one percentage point, reduced increases in Medicare, Medicaid, and other health care spending by a proportional amount, and held discretionary spending below growth in GDP (albeit from the higher base established by the new laws).

By following your employees on Twitter and other social outlets, you'll gain insights about how they collaborate, what issues they care about and how they support one another.

According to the Oxford research, companies that ply in fine arts, originality, negotiation, persuasion, social perceptiveness and assisting or caring for others are in the least danger of being overtaken by Schwarzenegger - like T - 800 cybernetic organisms.

Photos of Grumpy Cat, her brown and white face in a constant scowl, have become a constant presence on Facebook and other social media, often accompanied by crabby messages such as «I don't like days that end in Y» or «I'm listening, I just don't care.»

Defaults are rising, and some older Americans are even having their wages and Social Security checks garnished by the government at a time in life when their budgets are already constrained by retirement and health care expenses, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis published Monday.

Recent mistakes by Bank of America on Twitter have people wondering if customer care will survive in social media, or if brands will eventually stop doing it.

Posted by Nick Falvo under aboriginal peoples, Alberta, child benefits, Child Care, corporate income tax, debt, early learning, fiscal federalism, fiscal policy, homeless, housing, income distribution, income support, income tax, Indigenous people, inequality, minimum wage, NDP, poverty, social policy, taxation, women, working time.

Posted by Nick Falvo under education, guaranteed annual income, health care, income support, Manitoba, poverty, social policy.

Without significant increases in corporate taxes and taxes on the wealthy, it is now a virtual certainty that ordinary Canadian families will never enjoy the generous social programs enjoyed by most European families: enhanced maternity leave benefits, livable minimum wages, legislated paid vacation time of up to six weeks a year, genuine unemployment insurance, home care, pharmacare and more.

Companies will always need to continually improve their customer care processes, including training for social customer service agents; but, realistically, customers will care more about receiving great service when they need it, than whether a Twitter account was successfully trolled by someone that the customer doesn't even know.

Posted by Nick Falvo under Alberta, BC, budgets, Canada, child benefits, Child Care, Conservative government, demographics, education, election 2015, employment, Harper, housing, income, income distribution, income support, income tax, inequality, PEF, population aging, post-secondary education, poverty, privatization, progressive economic strategies, public services, Role of government, Saskatchewan, seniors, social policy, taxation, unemployment, user fees, workplace benefits.

SOCIAL IMPACT X DESIGN From health care and education to housing and environmental degradation, learn how design has been used by businesses, nonprofits, and entrepreneurs to create inclusive products, services, and strategic frameworks that solve «wicked» problems, identify sustainable solutions, and create even greater benefits for the communities they serve.

Posted by Nick Falvo under Alberta, child benefits, Child Care, deficits, Dutch disease, education, employment, environment, fiscal policy, health care, homeless, housing, income support, income tax, industrial policy, macroeconomics, oil and gas, poverty, progressive economic strategies, public infrastructure, public services, regulation, resources, social policy, taxation, unemployment, uniCare, deficits, Dutch disease, education, employment, environment, fiscal policy, health care, homeless, housing, income support, income tax, industrial policy, macroeconomics, oil and gas, poverty, progressive economic strategies, public infrastructure, public services, regulation, resources, social policy, taxation, unemployment, unicare, homeless, housing, income support, income tax, industrial policy, macroeconomics, oil and gas, poverty, progressive economic strategies, public infrastructure, public services, regulation, resources, social policy, taxation, unemployment, unions.

Posted by Nick Falvo under aboriginal peoples, Alberta, budgets, Child Care, cities, demographics, education, employment, environment, fiscal federalism, fiscal policy, gender critique, homeless, housing, HST, income, income distribution, income support, Indigenous people, inflation, minimum wage, municipalities, NDP, oil and gas, poverty, privatization, progressive economic strategies, Role of government, social policy, taxation, wages, women.

Posted by Nick Falvo under aboriginal peoples, Balanced budgets, child benefits, Child Care, corporate income tax, CPP, debt, deficits, early learning, economic thought, federal budget, fiscal federalism, fiscal policy, homeless, housing, income distribution, income support, income tax, Indigenous people, inequality, labour market, macroeconomics, OECD, Old Age Security, poverty, privatization, public infrastructure, public services, Role of government, social policy, taxation, women.

Posted by Nick Falvo under Alberta, budgets, carbon pricing, child benefits, climate change, corporate income tax, debt, demographics, energy, environment, federal budget, health care, homeless, housing, HST, income support, income tax, inflation, population aging, poverty, public services, seniors, social policy, taxation.

Posted by Nick Falvo under cities, Conservative government, fiscal federalism, health care, homeless, housing, income support, municipalities, P3s, poverty, privatization, social policy, Toronto.

Posted by Nick Falvo under aboriginal peoples, Austerity, budgets, Child Care, corporate income tax, debt, deficits, economic growth, economic models, economic thought, employment, fiscal policy, health care, income, income distribution, income support, income tax, Indigenous people, inequality, NEO-LIBERAL POLICIES, population aging, post-secondary education, poverty, public infrastructure, public services, Saskatchewan, social policy, taxation, unemploymCare, corporate income tax, debt, deficits, economic growth, economic models, economic thought, employment, fiscal policy, health care, income, income distribution, income support, income tax, Indigenous people, inequality, NEO-LIBERAL POLICIES, population aging, post-secondary education, poverty, public infrastructure, public services, Saskatchewan, social policy, taxation, unemploymcare, income, income distribution, income support, income tax, Indigenous people, inequality, NEO-LIBERAL POLICIES, population aging, post-secondary education, poverty, public infrastructure, public services, Saskatchewan, social policy, taxation, unemployment.

Posted by Nick Falvo under bubble, education, fiscal federalism, health care, post-secondary education, privatization, social policy, student debt, student movement, US, user fees.

NDP commitments include a two point cut in the small business tax rate (already implemented by the Conservatives); extension of the accelerated capital cost allowance for two years (already implemented by the Conservatives (but with a different phase in); an innovation tax credit for machinery used in research and development; an additional one cent of gas tax for the provinces for infrastructure; a transit infrastructure fund; increased funding for social housing; a major child care initiative; and, increasing ODA funding to 0.7 per cent of Gross National Income (GNI).

NDP promises include a two point cut in the small business tax rate (already implemented in the budget by the Conservatives); extension of the accelerated capital cost allowance for two years (also already implemented by the Conservatives); an innovation tax credit for machinery used in research and development; an additional one cent of gas tax for the provinces for infrastructure; a transit infrastructure fund; increased funding for social housing; a major child care initiative; increasing ODA funding to 0.7 per cent of Gross National Income (GNI); and restoring the 6 % annual escalator to the Canada Health Transfer.

Maybe 15 percent of your income is taken right off the paycheck by the FICA [Federal Insurance Contributions Act] for Social Security and essentially pre-saving for Social Security medical care (which provides the government with enough money to cut taxes on the higher brackets.)

This increase will be driven by increasing costs for Social Security, health care, and interest on the debt combined with insufficient revenue.

A dead social channel can be misconstrued by consumers as a brand who is lazy and doesn't care about their customers.

While most social customer care programs are likely administered by a brand's customer service team, the marketing department can

While most social customer care programs are likely administered by a brand's customer service team, the marketing department can and should be a dedicated partner.

While Employee Advocacy tends to be owned by someone in Marketing, that program owner does not usually also own social media marketing efforts or social customer care.

Josh Schukman has truly created something that matters - in the eyes of social entrepreneurs and in the eyes of those who care about making a difference by way of cause based business models.

Latvia's GDP has plunged by over 22 % during 2008 - 09, unemployment is rising, and the government has cut back spending on hospitals and health care, schools and other basic social integument.

Mr. Obama can help revive the middle class by paying Social Security and medical care out of the general budget, not as user fees borne by the lowest wealth brackets as at present.

«Then, when they have built credibility within a certain social network by taking a popular, partisan position on an American issue, they can use that platform to talk about issues that the Kremlin does care about,» Schafer said.

An Employment Tribunal has rejected a claim by Richard Page that he should be instated as a non-executive director at Kent and Medway NHS and Social Care Partnership Trust.

I disagree «humanity» by and large are caring, compassionate, social animals and when they act this way they are healthy and happy, but the media and other sources continue to show us the worst side of people thus making the impression that we are mean and hateful.

It must have seemed unlikely, in the 1970s, that his modest achievements in Krakow - a vast annual Corpus Christi procession through the city, the great new church at Nowa Huta, a network of social care established for unmarried mothers and others in need, youth gatherings up in the Tatra mountains and in overflowing city churches — would in due course overwhelm official Marxism by sheer force of joyful hope and moral uplift.

In the end, Yahweh was no longer a tribal god in the old sense of caring solely for the social group; he was a personal god as well, in the sense of caring for and bringing interior sustenance to individuals, one by one.

That a congregation is constituted by enacting a more broadly and ecumenically practiced worship that generates a distinctive social space implies study of what that space is and how it is formed: What are the varieties of the shape and content of the common lives of Christian congregations now, cross-culturally and globally (synchronic inquiry); how do congregations characteristically define who they are and what their larger social and natural contexts are; how do they characteristically define what they ought to be doing as congregations; how have they defined who they are and what they ought to do historically (diachronic study); how is the social form of their common life nurtured and corrected in liturgy, pastoral caring, preaching, education, maintenance of property, service to neighbors; what is the role of scripture in all this, the role of traditions of theology, and the role of traditions of worship?

Other key policies in the Ukip manifesto include an extra # 11 billion a year for the NHS and social care by the end of the next parliament, funded by cuts in foreign aid.

The so - called social issues that «conservative» Christians care about that are frowned upon by the progressives are all issues of sin!

The simplistic gospel of being saved from earth for a home elsewhere in heaven has been replaced by a grand narrative of God's redemption story that encompasses social justice, creation care, and a fresh vision of the mission of the global Church.

In order to progress towards the ideal proposed by the religions the renunciation of selfishness by individuals at personal level should lead to a social concern for a positive loving caring for all, especially the many in dire need in our globalized society.

«One is felt by people who care a great deal about social issues, especially white evangelicals, who are uncomfortable with Mitt Romney.»

This is no «cold justice» and no impersonal interest in freedom for others; it is a passionate caring which can not be content unless it is doing something; and that is a something which is social in context yet also personal in its acceptance by each and every son and daughter of God.

A true statement, «One is felt by people who care a great deal about social issues, especially white evangelicals, who are uncomfortable with Mitt Romney.»

Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political system.

Instead of committing to helping families and individuals improve their social and economic conditions (by pushing policy makers to strengthen access to affordable housing, health care, child care, public transportation, job training, etc.), we blame them.