Sentences with phrase «change in abortion»

Thirdly, this Bill can and will be used by all sides to seek a change in the abortion law.

Any change in the abortion law should be accompanied by changes in health - care benefits for women and children, in child care, in job protection, in comparable worth and in career advancement.

More importantly, the results of Rasmussen's November poll showed very little change in abortion attitudes from a poll the firm took back in April.

The slope of the decline in maternal mortality «did not appear to be altered by the change in abortion law,» according to the researchers.

Labour MP Stella Creasy earlier withdrew her Queen's Speech amendment after it brought about a change in abortions for Northern Irish women.

Both Planned Parenthood and New York State Right to Life opposed the referendum, fearing changes in abortion law that would not be to their liking.

Not exact matches

In 1971, a year after the Women's Strike for Equality March — during which 50,000 women marched down New York City's Fifth Avenue demanding changes to childcare and abortion policies — Congress passed a resolution designating Aug. 26 as Women's Equality Day.

Though he faces an uphill battle — he's a pro-business fiscal conservative who also supports gun control, abortion rights, and efforts to curb climate change — his personal war chest will come in handy.

All this changed when the sexual revolution and the rise of feminism ushered in easy divorce, the expectation of a career outside the home for married women, ready access to contraception and abortion, and the gay - rights movement.

Even so, in 2008, regarding teaching about abortion, change is in the air of the United Methodist household.

Before the 1970s, evangelicals voted as often for Democrats as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.

There are two ways to change the law and nullify abortion in this contry.

Better still would be to offer confidential abortion to two similar groups of people, then remove confidentiality from one of those groups and then assess the relative change in pregnancy rates in the between the two groups.

In addition, some surveys show that here in the U.S., states with more abortion restrictions do in fact have lower abortion rates, suggesting legal changes may indeed have some effecIn addition, some surveys show that here in the U.S., states with more abortion restrictions do in fact have lower abortion rates, suggesting legal changes may indeed have some effecin the U.S., states with more abortion restrictions do in fact have lower abortion rates, suggesting legal changes may indeed have some effecin fact have lower abortion rates, suggesting legal changes may indeed have some effect.

«The passage of time hasn't changed the fact that abortion is a serious, lethal violation of fundamental human rights,» Congressman Smith told more than 600,000 people gathered in Washington DC for the 2014 March for Life.

Delusional believers could reduce the number of abortions per year in the USA if they just followed their cults» rules, no changes in laws required, no need to enforce their cults» rules on anyone.

Some youngsters would never dream of having an abortion in any case and would not be affected by any policy change.

A couple of research papers indicated only a decrease in abortion rates that is statistically insignificant (i.e. it could have been due to chance rather than the change in the law), but these have tended to analyse data on abortion rates for all ages, not specifically teenage abortion rates.

In fact, I wonder if an appreciation of the nuances in the debate, and of abortion's connection to traditionally «progressive» issues like poverty and healthcare, may actually make those of us who are «stuck in the middle» especially effective agents of changIn fact, I wonder if an appreciation of the nuances in the debate, and of abortion's connection to traditionally «progressive» issues like poverty and healthcare, may actually make those of us who are «stuck in the middle» especially effective agents of changin the debate, and of abortion's connection to traditionally «progressive» issues like poverty and healthcare, may actually make those of us who are «stuck in the middle» especially effective agents of changin the middle» especially effective agents of change.

Believers singlehandedly can reduce the number of abortions in the USA by 700,000 each year, if they only followed their own cult's rules, no changes in any law required.

Laws are even changing here in courts MONEY Pregnant woman dies in Ireland after being denied an abortion http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/ireland/9679840/Pregnant-woman-dies-in-Ireland-after-being-denied-an-abortion.html

In an article on Think Progress, Zach Beauchamp cites a study by political scientists Thomas Carsey and Geoffrey Layman which shows that over time, people often change their abortion attitudes to match the political party they generally support.

Orthodox converts told me that they find comfort in the stability of the church, that positions on issues such as homosexuality and abortion have already been decided and will not change any time soon.

Abortion is an issue so emotional, so divisive, that Christians who would normally engage in dialogue about the most controversial of matters find it easier to change the subject when this one comes up.

Because the young are more liberal on social issues» at least at this point in their lives» traditionalists are being counseled by secularists to either remain silent about abortion and same - sex marriage, or even change their beliefs.

Related to the third problem, above, there is no change in the public debates over cloning, abortion, euthanasia, and so on.

The rise of ideological feminism, with its disdain for housewives and promotion of abortion, was exactly one of those cultural changes in Schlafly's eyes.

Get back to us when thatnumber changes, but you'd better have proof in hand that those women are being given abortions against their will.

Perhaps most troubling was her recent statement at a Women in the World Conference where she suggested that in order to expand worldwide access to abortion, «deep - seated cultural codes, religious beliefs, and structural biases have to be changed.»

I think there is, in as much as about 70 percent of Americans disapprove of convenience abortions even in the first trimester of pregnancy, and in as much as people like me, when they come to consider the question seriously, have sometimes changed their minds.

From 1970 to the present, mainline churches have officially been more tolerant than conservative churches of divorce, abortion, gender equality, family pluralism and homosexuality — all changes in keeping with the family modernization process.

While there is, as one might expect, a correlation between right - to - die attitudes and abortion attitudes, there has been no statistically significant change in responses to NORC's battery of questions about the legality of abortion.

And now, as the recent undercover videos show, there is a great reason to suspect that Planned Parenthood has been engaging in methods of changing abortion methods to better extract organs: very «illegal» and very «unsafe.»

He said: «We're going to need to change by virtue a humanised political debate over exactly what we want to see in our country, that means changing the law, it is also changing the culture so people view abortion as what it is, destruction of an unborn child.»

He says the survey shows that the dominant media narrative that the current abortion limit of 24 weeks is fine is not reflective of the views of women and society in general and therefore needs to be changed.

Hormone changes due to induced abortion may indeed be related to breast cancer, but there are other known causes of hormone changes that we should worry about, including the widespread use of chemical contraceptives, fertility drugs that cause hormone surges, increased obesity and fat content in the diet that change the body's estrogen metabolism, and last but not least, chemical contaminants in the environment that mimic estrogen....

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

In addition, some changes, such as the abortion license, are not so set in concrete as Fukuyama suggestIn addition, some changes, such as the abortion license, are not so set in concrete as Fukuyama suggestin concrete as Fukuyama suggests.

On the other, I'm not convinced that making abortion illegal would actually end abortion unless accompanied by a sweeping change in the hearts and minds of the American public.

Bolstered by a young generation of pro-life millennials and new developments in prenatal treatment, advocates see themselves in a better position than ever to change minds on abortion.

Meanwhile, groups release recaps of how abortion changed in 2013.

On Jan. 22, the 36th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, Sojourners president Jim Wallis issued a statement calling for a change in the debate over abortion.

Instead, they will gain because support for many kinds of abortion comes not so much through either passion or reason as through a change in lifestyles.

They are so wedded to this connection that when President Trump reinstated the Mexico City Policy, which denies American aid to any NGO that provides, counsels, or refers for abortion, or that promotes a change in a country's laws towards permitting access to abortion, not a single NGO (as far as I am aware) agreed to sever its contraception work from its abortion advocacy.

Religious people having abortions still need conversion, as in spiritual change.

Debates about this will easily generate much more heat than light unless the energy of both sides is focused on the right question, which is: «Given that 200,000 abortions a year is far too many, how can a deliverable change in the law most effectively reduce that number?»

Participants noted the change in political views to the fact that they have «more family - oriented views» as parents and that they care «more about traditional values» since having children, while others noted that even though they were «more pro-choice» before having kids, they're «now more pro-life» as parents and «less inclined to agree» with abortion rights.

And, she notes, «increasing support for pregnant women regardless of the pregnancy's outcome will, over time, change abortion from a form of birth control that lets men off the hook into something both parties are invested in preventing.»

Guess they should be having late - term abortions, or performing infanticide if the change in circumstances happens after the baby is born — after all, we can't have those babies living off public funds for any amount of time, can we?

Democrats said the changes in Smith's bill would likely lead to a large number of women losing access to comprehensive health insurance coverage because small business owners would have an incentive to offer plans that don't cover abortion.