Sentences with phrase «change things in this country»

«None of us here now were there, but we are not going to spend our time looking backwards, we are determined to change things in this country.
Anoè told an Italian blog dedicated to startups: «I would like them to speak of my victory as a stimulus to change things in this country (Italy).»

Not exact matches

«Things are changing because we see the disorder of globalisation and the consequences in your own country.
As he wraps up, McConnell makes the solution explicit: «Things can change in our country — that's why we have elections,» he tells the crowd.
One more thing, right from the get go, we've structured things such that they'd be applicable globally, where we could quickly make small changes to the app in various countries to fit their own legal systems.
Such risks, uncertainties and other factors include, without limitation: (1) the effect of economic conditions in the industries and markets in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate in the U.S. and globally and any changes therein, including financial market conditions, fluctuations in commodity prices, interest rates and foreign currency exchange rates, levels of end market demand in construction and in both the commercial and defense segments of the aerospace industry, levels of air travel, financial condition of commercial airlines, the impact of weather conditions and natural disasters and the financial condition of our customers and suppliers; (2) challenges in the development, production, delivery, support, performance and realization of the anticipated benefits of advanced technologies and new products and services; (3) the scope, nature, impact or timing of acquisition and divestiture or restructuring activity, including the pending acquisition of Rockwell Collins, including among other things integration of acquired businesses into United Technologies» existing businesses and realization of synergies and opportunities for growth and innovation; (4) future timing and levels of indebtedness, including indebtedness expected to be incurred by United Technologies in connection with the pending Rockwell Collins acquisition, and capital spending and research and development spending, including in connection with the pending Rockwell Collins acquisition; (5) future availability of credit and factors that may affect such availability, including credit market conditions and our capital structure; (6) the timing and scope of future repurchases of United Technologies» common stock, which may be suspended at any time due to various factors, including market conditions and the level of other investing activities and uses of cash, including in connection with the proposed acquisition of Rockwell; (7) delays and disruption in delivery of materials and services from suppliers; (8) company and customer - directed cost reduction efforts and restructuring costs and savings and other consequences thereof; (9) new business and investment opportunities; (10) our ability to realize the intended benefits of organizational changes; (11) the anticipated benefits of diversification and balance of operations across product lines, regions and industries; (12) the outcome of legal proceedings, investigations and other contingencies; (13) pension plan assumptions and future contributions; (14) the impact of the negotiation of collective bargaining agreements and labor disputes; (15) the effect of changes in political conditions in the U.S. and other countries in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate, including the effect of changes in U.S. trade policies or the U.K.'s pending withdrawal from the EU, on general market conditions, global trade policies and currency exchange rates in the near term and beyond; (16) the effect of changes in tax (including U.S. tax reform enacted on December 22, 2017, which is commonly referred to as the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017), environmental, regulatory (including among other things import / export) and other laws and regulations in the U.S. and other countries in which United Technologies and Rockwell Collins operate; (17) the ability of United Technologies and Rockwell Collins to receive the required regulatory approvals (and the risk that such approvals may result in the imposition of conditions that could adversely affect the combined company or the expected benefits of the merger) and to satisfy the other conditions to the closing of the pending acquisition on a timely basis or at all; (18) the occurrence of events that may give rise to a right of one or both of United Technologies or Rockwell Collins to terminate the merger agreement, including in circumstances that might require Rockwell Collins to pay a termination fee of $ 695 million to United Technologies or $ 50 million of expense reimbursement; (19) negative effects of the announcement or the completion of the merger on the market price of United Technologies» and / or Rockwell Collins» common stock and / or on their respective financial performance; (20) risks related to Rockwell Collins and United Technologies being restricted in their operation of their businesses while the merger agreement is in effect; (21) risks relating to the value of the United Technologies» shares to be issued in connection with the pending Rockwell acquisition, significant merger costs and / or unknown liabilities; (22) risks associated with third party contracts containing consent and / or other provisions that may be triggered by the Rockwell merger agreement; (23) risks associated with merger - related litigation or appraisal proceedings; and (24) the ability of United Technologies and Rockwell Collins, or the combined company, to retain and hire key personnel.
That's why the controversial proposals to dramatically change the taxation of private business in Canada are proving three things: tax literacy is alive and well in Canada, most people understand and value the incredible entrepreneurial spirit that drives the economic engine in this country, and the government thought these tax changes wouldn't be a big deal.
Conceivably, you could reach a point where Google can do things like estimate changes in a country's GDP on a daily basis.
So the discussion in Addis Ababa revolved around things like how to finance infrastructure, how the public sector and the private sector can partner for best results, and how to change the tax systems that apply to multinational corporations so that they are more beneficial to developing countries.
[16:00] Pain + reflection = progress [16:30] Creating a meritocracy to draw the best out of everybody [18:30] How to raise your probability of being right [18:50] Why we are conditioned to need to be right [19:30] The neuroscience factor [19:50] The habitual and environmental factor [20:20] How to get to the other side [21:20] Great collective decision - making [21:50] The 5 things you need to be successful [21:55] Create audacious goals [22:15] Why you need problems [22:25] Diagnose the problems to determine the root causes [22:50] Determine the design for what you will do about the root causes [23:00] Decide to work with people who are strong where you are weak [23:15] Push through to results [23:20] The loop of success [24:15] Ray's new instinctual approach to failure [24:40] Tony's ritual after every event [25:30] The review that changed Ray's outlook on leadership [27:30] Creating new policies based on fairness and truth [28:00] What people are missing about Ray's culture [29:30] Creating meaningful work and meaningful relationships [30:15] The importance of radical honesty [30:50] Thoughtful disagreement [32:10] Why it was the relationships that changed Ray's life [33:10] Ray's biggest weakness and how he overcame it [34:30] The jungle metaphor [36:00] The dot collector — deciding what to listen to [40:15] The wanting of meritocratic decision - making [41:40] How to see bubbles and busts [42:40] Productivity [43:00] Where we are in the cycle [43:40] What the Fed will do [44:05] We are late in the long - term debt cycle [44:30] Long - term debt is going to be squeezing us [45:00] We have 2 economies [45:30] This year is very similar to 1937 [46:10] The top tenth of the top 1 % of wealth = bottom 90 % combined [46:25] How this creates populism [47:00] The economy for the bottom 60 % isn't growing [48:20] If you look at averages, the country is in a bind [49:10] What are the overarching principles that bind us together?
In Africa, in the seventies, when they took over several countries» governments the first thing they would do is to change (in one day) all road names to heroes of the communist systeIn Africa, in the seventies, when they took over several countries» governments the first thing they would do is to change (in one day) all road names to heroes of the communist systein the seventies, when they took over several countries» governments the first thing they would do is to change (in one day) all road names to heroes of the communist systein one day) all road names to heroes of the communist system.
«That is why in Europe you see very often the Scandinavian countries lead the change because they are much smaller, much more agile and a lot of these things can be implemented much more easily.
Praying shouldn't take long, but our country will be struggling forever unless there is real change in the way they do things inside the Beltway.
We have had polital parties since the dawn of the US, always changing (hense the vote every 4 years thing) and never, in 1 4 yr period, causing the entire country to colapse into a heap of rubble.
«Growing up I thought, «I need to study law so that I can be involved in politics... I need to be the right president or leader of the country so that I can change things.
Change NOTHING else about your life in this country, and watch things change in yourChange NOTHING else about your life in this country, and watch things change in yourchange in your life.
I once got into a lot of trouble when, writing on the judicial usurpation of politics in First Things, I said we should be concerned about the possibility that many Americans might one day conclude that the motto «God and country» has been changed to the question «God or country».
On a Monday when we're all waking up to a country where the president and NFL players have become sworn enemies in less than a week, one thing that can be said for certain is that very few minds have been changed over this exchange.
I think it is sad that, in the 21st Century, most major newspapers still carry astrology columns and that the Bronze Age mythology of Adam and Eve is still seen as true by about 40 % of the country, but things are changing slowly, as the inevitable forces of science and reason pry open even the most firmly closed of creationist minds.
Rahn... Do i really need to back up what i think online... and you being the expert... why do nt you fully explain to me the state that the country is in... enlighten me... but you already know how far that will go... just as my attempt to change others mind's fell short... so will any others opinion... i have my mind made up for my own well founded reasons... all im saying is that spending all day protesting and postulating is of no benefit to anyone... going about your life and making things best for yourself is in the best interest of this country as a whole... I believe Adam Smith said it best... the best results come from one person doing whats best for himself and the team... not throwing a hissy fit
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.
My last point and Im out... Throughout our great nations history... we always found a way to fight through national issues and come up with solutions... Giving the problems we have now to people in the 50's and 60's... and they may actually come up with a solution... if you earnestly care about making a change... start at the lowest levels of government... go do something... find out costs... expenses... how to get more health care to people... do things like that... quit waiting on the government to provide all the answers... its not the way this country was founded... and not the way we get through problems... If you or ur family does nt have insurance... get a job that can provide you that... instead of hoping the government will do so... If you or ur family lacks access to education... move to an area that excels at it... education is invaluable... Do something about your problem... and quit waiting for the next big lotto...
This is the type of thing that needs to change in this country if we are truly ever to get a long.
We need to change bigger things in this country than where Jenna shops.
We wanted to draw attention to the fact that there's things in this country that still need to change
With the game in hand and Team USA scrambling frantically to try and pull out a miracle, Luis Scola delivered the exclamation point with a dunk that crowned one country forever and forced real change in another country's way of doing things.
«You can talk about all the different personalities that have said things and done things — from Kaepernick to what happened with Michael Bennet to all sorts of examples of what has gone on in our country that has led to change.
People like you (not even in the country, let alone London and let alone North London) telling fans like me that we can't change things.
Asked about Kaepernick, Lewis said he thinks things in the country need to change but he wouldn't have sat out of anthem
You have a tendency to bigotry: «People like you (not even in the country, let alone London and let alone North London) telling fans like me that we can't change things».
I wouldn't expect such impatience from British fans, but then again, things have changed in this country beyond recognition.
A few potted things the boycott and campaign has achieved: The International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes (despite what Nestlé told the bloggers, it opposed the Code - scans of documents from the time are on our site), the Code's implementation in 70 countries to greater or lesser degrees, breastfeeding rates in countries taking action to stop malpractice increasing (Brazil from median duration 3 months in the 1980s to 10 months today), Nestlé changing its policy on milk nurses and baby pictures on formula, stopping specific cases of malpractice such as Nestlé promoting formula in Botswana as preventing diarrhoea etc. etc..
I did a bit of reading on the subject, and one of the interesting things I learned was that countries who brought in this type of legislation decades ago are now seeing a lower incidence of violent crime that appears to correspond to the change in the laws.
The thing that excites me most about this revolutionary new machine is our ability to effect massive change in our country's food deserts where healthy food is needed most.
I think right now we can get away with not asking these hard questions because enough people on earth still live in relative poverty and are not creating the waste that we as a country create, but when that changes (and it will), or when we have created so much waste ourselves as to arrive at that critical tipping point, we will need to have difficult conversations about these things.
Skelos said at a news conference, «They indicated to me and they're right that this is such a personal thing for police, firefighters, so many people in this state and obviously in this country, memorial services that will go on forever, that they just asked if we could change it to the 13th and I think it's a very reasonable request and we'll do it.»
Once we collectively understand our situation: the contribution made by humans to the degradation of the environment and the extinction of other species, or the impact consumers in the rich West have had, and continue to have, on the impoverishment of producers in developing countries, our proper response is to want to change things - and to change them radically.»
«I felt supporting a libertarian party was the right thing to do in order to affect change in the political system in this country.
«The widespread belief now in the Labour party that whilst Jeremy is a good man with great Labour values who has done a lot for this party and I think changed the debate in this country about our economy, he's been right about lots of things,» he said.
And while doing these big, country - changing things, we are doing everything possible to help people who are struggling with the cost of living: helping to freeze council tax for three years in a row; freezing fuel duty; cutting the income tax bills of 24 million taxpayers; taking two million of the lowest paid out of tax altogether.
Similarly western hemisphere countries have said some kind things to the decedents of indigenous people who faired poorly under previous policies, and revolutions have blamed deposed rulers for bad things, but I'm not sure that it is in the spirit of the question to count changes in government.
«We need to change the way we do things in D.C. and that's why someone like myself is running, and I think that's motivating a lot of people across the country
The former lawmaker said the search has begun for a Nigerian who will change the condition of things in the country which according to him, Buhari would not do.
«Within political parties, there's always tension and irritation and all of those things... We're in very volatile, changing, disruptive times and if political parties weren't reflecting some of that within their own broad coalitions then I think they wouldn't be in touch with the problems that there are in the country.
For a presidential cycle known for upending conventional political wisdom, one thing certainly hasn't changed: It's hard to vote in the Senate if you're campaigning across the country.
Experiencing the way things are done in a foreign country is not only refreshing, it also encourages reflection on desirable changes to one's own habits.
Things started to change when, in 2005, the newly created French National Research Agency introduced short term, competitive research funding, in line with most other countries.
Whereas the ETAN report «didn't find any outstanding universities getting things right,» and the Helsinki Group turned up «no individual countries that stood out» as being especially conducive to women's involvement in science and engineering, looking at the private sector, there are a number of companies that are «on the path of changing their organisation and culture,» notes Rees.
You know, another point is that even if you put aside those kinds of consequences, the fact is that you are always investing in your energy infrastructure anyway; so for example there are very expensive things you could do that would be involved in trying to change how electricity is distributed across the country to help along, you know, [a] hydrogen based economy.
«In my job and what I do, the only thing which is constant is change — the countries change, the subjects change, the people change.
a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z