Sentences with phrase «charter movement as»

Why not cheer the charter movement as a motivator to clean up one's own house, leaving the drama and politics behind?

That is why addressing funding inequity is one of the top priorities for CCSA, which not only advocates for the charter movement as a whole, but also offers resources and guidance to members to ensure both academic and operational success.

But opponents deride the charter movement as one component of a conservative - based shift toward privatization and disinvestment in public schools.

And yet it has become increasingly difficult to get approval for charters outside of the now - standard model, which implies that innovation is beginning to flag in the charter movement as in other parts of contemporary American culture.

U.S. Department of Education Secretary Betsy DeVos addressed a standing - room only crowd on Tuesday, expressing her support of the charter movement as well as other forms of school choice including traditional public education, private schools, and vouchers.

Not exact matches

In particular, the declaration references the charter's «principles of constitutional contractual citizenship» and «freedom of movement, property ownership, mutual solidarity and defense, as well as principles of justice and equality before the law,» in regards to Muslims and non-Muslims.

The account of the Calling of the Fishermen, standing at the very beginning of Jesus» ministry, serves as a charter for the Christian movement.

«We think of the educational choice movement as involving many parts: vouchers and tax credits, certainly, but also virtual schools, magnet schools, homeschooling, and charter schools,» she said in a 2013 interview.

She has homeschooled her own children as well as others, was a founder of a private Waldorf School (Sanderling School in Carlsbad, CA) and now strives through the Charter movement to bring Waldorf education to all children at Journey School where she has worked for the past 14 years.

For example, if you look at the 19th century revolutionary project in Europe, or the anti-colonial movement in the second half of the 20th century, you will find the majority of texts and pamphlets of the dozens of organizations in any country, and their principles, charters, and oaths, all locate the fight for the establishment of free republics as an international project, and not a national one.

Cuomo has had an at - times truculent relationship with teachers unions, especially when it comes to support for charter schools and other concerns of the education reform movement, such as stronger teacher evaluations.

It also, though, reflected the romantic view that many in the movement held of the medieval period more generally, with the charter construed as a key symbol of that period.

Bob McManus: «Cuomo, and even some charter - school advocates, are projecting Albany's just - adopted budget as a modest win for the state's hard - pressed school - choice movement.

Another important feature of the context was the rise, from 1988, of Charter 88 as a pressure group and wider political movement arguing the case for comprehensive constitutional reform.

Last year as de Blasio pressed for pre-k funding and sought to stop charter schools from being co-located with district schools, Cuomo rallied with charter school advocates and even indicated that mayoral control might stand in the way of the charter school movement.

For eight years, she's been the lightning rod of the charter movement, raising millions from hedge funders and foundations as she aggressively worked her close connections to the Bloomberg administration to take over space in public schools.

Late last year, the charter movement embraced Bernard Gassaway, embattled principal of Boys and Girls High School, a chronically underperforming school in Bedford - Stuyvesant, as an unofficial mascot of their cause.

According to the applicant, his arrest and detention constituted a gross violation of an infringement upon his dignity, personal liberty, fair hearing and freedom of movement as enshrined and guaranteed under sections 34, 35, 36,41,46 of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) and Articles 4,5,6 and 12 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples» Rights.

The Court would have the onus of also determining whether Luke and his security aides violated his client's fundamental rights of freedom of movement and from discrimination as guaranteed by relevant sections of the Constitution (1999) and the African Charter on Human and People's Rights, amongst others.

The march was intended by its organizers, the reform group Families for Excellent Schools, as a celebration of a decade of relatively free rein under the Bloomberg administration, and as a warning to the prospective Blasio administration that the charter - school movement is still a force to be reckoned with.

With de Blasio and the UFT - financed Working Families Party as allies, the union is hijacking the very language of movement politics, annexing left journalism to defend its narrowest interests and even recruiting progressives to join its war against charter schools that work for kids.

Mayor Bill de Blasio has frequently criticized Eva Moskowitz as he has criticized the larger charter movement, accusing Moskowitz's schools of receiving preferential treatment under the Bloomberg administration.

And Louisiana governor Bobby Jindal wrote an entire New York Post op - ed last year decrying what he described as de Blasio's «systematic campaign to destroy the city's burgeoning charter school movement.»

[3] Indeed, charter advocates originally promoted not being attached to particular school districts as one of the strengths of the movement.

When the charter movement began in the early 1990s, few students were leaving the traditional system, and district officials were not particularly threatened with the loss of revenues as students and their funding went to other providers.

Other than the general disconnect between test scores and later life outcomes (in both directions), I notice that the No Excuses charter model that is currently the darling of the ed reform movement and that New York Times columnists have declared as the only type of «Schools that Work» tend not to fare nearly as well in later outcomes as they do on test scores.

As Chandler, notes, the charter school movement has focused on serving students with the greatest needs in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty.

But can these stand - alone, typically small charter schools serve as the basis for a sustainable, large - scale movement for change in education?

This proposal builds on some of the lessons learned from the charter school movement and would allow effective charter networks like Green Dot, KIPP, and North Star to operate as school support organizations on a level playing field with districts, with equal funding and authority.

And as a matter of basic arithmetic, the charter movement can not survive today without GOP support.

Or, as Democrats for Education Reform President Shavar Jeffries told Richard Whitmire: «I can't think of anything more potentially harmful to the charter school movement, or anything more antithetical to its progressive roots, than having Donald Trump as its national champion.»

Supporters of independent charter schools want to get back to the charter movement's roots: creating schools that serve as education laboratories.

But the success of the charter school movement has been as uneven as it has been widespread (see Figure 1).

For those in the charter movement who have viewed chartering as a systemic reform strategy (not just an escape hatch for some kids), the prevalent theory of action for the last ten to fifteen years has been a «tipping point» strategy.

But they were barred from the contest, triggering an outpouring of angry accusations and casting the children as victims of an increasingly hostile struggle over the city's growing charter school movement.

Granted, the fabulous standardized test scores of those high - performing charter networks who take on this special ed challenge may not be as uniformly high — at least in the short term, but when one in every twenty public school students now attends a charter, the movement is mature and entrenched enough to move to the next stage of reform for both moral and political reasons.

As a new Administration takes shape in Washington, with an education leader who has long been an advocate of parental choice, the charter school movement needs to redouble its efforts to turn happy parents into active warriors for charter schools and school choice.

Following that, I would love to work as program director or project manager in one of the districts, charter management organizations, or nonprofits working at the forefront of the movement to redesign schools or transform learning through whole - district reform.

First came the zealots of social efficiency such as W.W. Charters and John Franklin Bobbitt, who saw the progressive movement as a vehicle for the wholesale ditching of the traditional subject - matter curriculum.

Shanker saw chartering as a way to create perpetual - motion reform machines that would change school systems from within, a response to the necessary but slow - moving impact of the top - down standards movement.

The charter school movement turned 25 last year, yet the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools identified only 3 out of 43 states — California, Colorado, Utah — and the District of Columbia as having laws that support access to capital funding and facicharter school movement turned 25 last year, yet the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools identified only 3 out of 43 states — California, Colorado, Utah — and the District of Columbia as having laws that support access to capital funding and faciCharter Schools identified only 3 out of 43 states — California, Colorado, Utah — and the District of Columbia as having laws that support access to capital funding and facilities.

Three feature articles in this issue explore charter - school successes in such diverse places as Arizona, Boston, and Rhode Island and reveal the underlying strength of the movement.

As the RAND study of charter schools and vouchers, Rhetoric Versus Reality, argued, «Judging the long - term effectiveness of the charter school movement based on outcomes of infant schools in their first two years of operation may be unfair, or at least premature.»

I started out as a critic of the charter school movement, writing articles on the treatment of students with disabilities by for - profit charter schools.

We could spend an entire EdNext volume arguing over the CREDO results alone, but I think some things are clear: one, nationally, low - income kids gain faster in charters than in district schools; two, many of CREDO's state and city - specific studies show very strong comparative gains for low - income charter students; and three, the movement as a whole has made significant progress by doing exactly what the model calls for and closing low - performing schools.

As the 1990s progressed, however, and the state standards movement gained strength, the ambiguity around accountability — for charters but also for other public schools — started to recede.

But in order to justify their proposed remedies, they portray chartering as a nearly - terminal case, rather than as a robust movement.

Some in the charter school movement, viewing autonomy as its most important animating principle, responsible for so much of the innovation and energy in the 3,300 charter schools across the country, argue that the testing regimen at the heart of the standards movement and NCLB will leave charters hidebound, soulless, bureaucratized.

My quarrel is that in order to justify their proposed remedies, they portray chartering as a nearly - terminal case, rather than as a robust movement that falls short, makes mistakes, and works hard to do better.

As an entrepreneur, Hastings was intrigued by the charter movement.