Sentences with phrase «charter movement who»

For those in the charter movement who have viewed chartering as a systemic reform strategy (not just an escape hatch for some kids), the prevalent theory of action for the last ten to fifteen years has been a «tipping point» strategy.

Moskowitz, the de facto leader of the local charter movement who attacked de Blasio's position on charter schools during the primary, made attendance at the march mandatory for her parents and students, but she remained relatively inconspicuous throughout the morning.

Not exact matches

There's the plan, nice and neat: Simply refuse to allow the movement to grow, dampening pressure from parents who want their own kids to be a part of it — while counting on funding disparities to erode the charters» ability to compete in the market for good teachers and support staff.

Billy Easton, with AQE, calls Brown a front person for billionaire Wall Street executives, who he says fund the charter school movement at the expense of public school.

McInerney is also a supporter of the charter schools movement and has donated $ 575,000 to New Yorkers for Independent Action, an education reform group pushing for a state tax credit for individuals who donate to charter or religious schools.

Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, standing shoulder to shoulder in Albany with thousands of parents and students who rallied in support of charter schools, vowed on Tuesday to defend the movement and offered a sharply different vision for their place in the educational system than Mayor Bill de Blasio's.

Steve Zimmerman, who leads a coalition of independent charter schools in New York City, said Loeb's remark «certainly isn't going to help the charter movement, which is already being tarnished by association with the current administration.»

Sen. Bill Perkins, who has been under attack by charter school supporters for his criticism of — and efforts to curb — the movement, has picked up the support of the New York Charter Parents Assoccharter school supporters for his criticism of — and efforts to curb — the movement, has picked up the support of the New York Charter Parents AssocCharter Parents Association.

The Bronx Beep also has strengthened his ties with officials in the city's charter - school movement, many of whom have ties to wealthy donors who could back a future citywide campaign.

The group, led by hedge funders who are active in the charter - school movement, is hosting the conference at Whiteface Lodge on May 4 to 6.

They were the ones who really established the culture of the California charter schools movement — a culture of community collaboration.

This has given new opportunities to those who never liked the charter movement in the first place.

Here the union is hedging its bets, trying to weaken the charter movement while also ensuring that any teachers who do slide into charter schools will remain union members.

Granted, the fabulous standardized test scores of those high - performing charter networks who take on this special ed challenge may not be as uniformly high — at least in the short term, but when one in every twenty public school students now attends a charter, the movement is mature and entrenched enough to move to the next stage of reform for both moral and political reasons.

As a new Administration takes shape in Washington, with an education leader who has long been an advocate of parental choice, the charter school movement needs to redouble its efforts to turn happy parents into active warriors for charter schools and school choice.

First came the zealots of social efficiency such as W.W. Charters and John Franklin Bobbitt, who saw the progressive movement as a vehicle for the wholesale ditching of the traditional subject - matter curriculum.

It's distressing that the Civil Rights Project is so wedded to formulas and methods that predate charter schools by decades and that they are expending such effort to discredit a movement that is bringing new hope to students who need it most.

Finally, in assessing the charter school movement, Smith considers what Al Shanker (who died in 1997), would think of the charter sector today.

«What is the [charter] movement going to do for the 98 percent of American kids who aren't going to our schools?»

Focus not on the system but on innovators — in the charter movement and beyond — who are also creating something wholly new.

Space is too short to highlight every noteworthy feature, but here are a few that have stood time's test: E. D. Hirsch's placement of progressive education within the Romantic tradition (first issue), Joel Best's skeptical view of school violence (2002), Michael Podgursky's discovery of the well - paid teacher (2003), Bruno Manno's and Bryan Hassel's takes on the charter movement (2003), Brian Jacob and Steve Levitt's technique for catching teachers who cheat (2004), Barry Garelick's jeremiad against progressive math (2005), Frederick Hess and Martin West's exposé of school «strike phobia» (2006), Roland Fryer's identification of «acting white» (2006), Clay Christiansen and Michael Horn's vision for virtual learning (2008), and Milton Gaither's authoritative look at home schooling (2009).

Charter critics who portray this decision as a cave to the charter movement are dishonestly pretending that history started lasCharter critics who portray this decision as a cave to the charter movement are dishonestly pretending that history started lascharter movement are dishonestly pretending that history started last week.

The fundamental idea at the beginning of the movement was that charter schools would help public schools and enroll students who needed extra attention and new strategies.

I'm biased; it's run by a friend, Kevin Teasley, who has been around the choice and charter schools movement for a long time, and once even dabbled in punditry and policy wonkery.

Even with a Democratic president who strongly supports the charter model, and congressional leadership pre-disposed to choice and innovation; even with more money and muscle behind our movement than ever before, efforts to expand innovation and opportunity in states that already allow both, or to seed new schooling innovations to suburban areas have been roundly routed across the country.

And what has become clear to everyone who is paying attention is that the charter school movement has been a tremendous part of the solution.»

Those who are committed to forming school communities must seriously consider supporting the charter school movement and creating the political and economic basis necessary to fight centralized control.

This morning he takes on one of the charter movement's fiercest competitors, Eva Moskowitz; rather, he finds a kid who he implies got dumped by one of Moskowitz's schools and through him attempts to show charters as cherry - pickers.

Twenty - five years isn't a long time relative to the history of public and private schooling in the United States, but it is long enough to merit a close look at the charter - school movement today and how it compares to the one initially envisaged by many of its pioneers: an enterprise that aspired toward diversity in the populations of children served, the kinds of schools offered, the size and scale of those schools, and the background, culture, and race of the folks who ran them.

Rausch noted that certain localities, such as Indianapolis, have had many charter - school leaders of color, but the movement, particularly on the coasts, is mainly the province of white school leaders and organizational heads who tend to hold homogeneous views on test scores, school structure, and «what works.»

It's a miracle the charter movement in Connecticut has been able to get to its 20th anniversary despite the endless vitriol, hatred, and constant attacks from people who do not want to give parents real educational choice.

Although there have been charter schools in Los Angeles since the early 1990s, the movement took flight early in this decade behind such figures as philanthropist Eli Broad, former school board president Caprice Young, former Mayor Richard Riordan and a long list of teachers and principals who were fed up by the ever - shifting reform agendas of Los Angeles Unified — and by what many saw as a recalcitrant teachers union, the powerful United Teachers Los Angeles.

The charter movement started with education entrepreneurs who desired to start public schools that were innovative and independent, different from traditional public schools.

NECSN CEO Kyle Rosenkrans today sent the following letter to charter school opponents who have ramped up their attacks on the charter school movement in New York.

Although parents who use them and those who run charter schools are bipartisan and range from the most liberal to extremely conservative, it's easy to see how the movement has become a political one.

Three years ago, those who worked on the charter school movement here were growing tired of troubles in the schools — known mostly for a few cases of corruption, leader infighting and standardized test scores far below state averages.

Caputo - Pearl sees this as a threat to UTLA's very existence, which makes it strange when his two national affiliates may both end up supporting Clinton, who once said, «I stand behind the charter school / public school movement, because parents do deserve greater choice within the public school system to meet the unique needs of their children.»

«Clinton's connections to the people who are involved in the education «reform» movement are pretty clear and out there,» said Peter Greene, a teacher and blogger in Franklin, Pa. «She has a lot of ties to the charter movement.»

«California's charter school law has initiated a broad reform movement consisting of parents and educators who are coming together to create new schools which are better meeting the needs of students and encouraging improvement throughout our public education system.

Arizona has emerged as a national leader in the charter movement, with numerous teachers, administrators, and schools who drive the success of our charter schools.

The movement toward boarding schools for low - income students has made some of its greatest strides in the District, where both Maya Angelou and the SEED Public Charter School receive an extra $ 14,000 in federal tax dollars each year for every student who lives on their premises.

CCSA Advocates is a nonprofit organization dedicated to increasing the involvement of the charter school community in the political process, creating a pipeline of charter school supporters and activists, electing public officials who support California charter public schools, and growing the political influence of the California charter public school movement.

Granted, the fabulous standardized test scores of those high - performing charter networks who take on this special ed challenge may not be as uniformly high - at least in the short term, but when one in every twenty public school students now attends a charter, the movement is mature and entrenched enough to move to the next stage of reform for both moral and political reasons.

Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, standing shoulder to shoulder in Albany with thousands of parents and students who rallied in support of charter schools, vowed on Tuesday to defend the movement and offered a sharply different vision for their place in the educational system than Mayor Bill de Blasio's.

«A national movement needs people like Eva who are willing to take it to the streets and stand up and defend her position and ours,» said Nelson Smith, a senior advisor to the National Association of Charter School Operators and a member of the Broad Prize's review board.

He spoke of a charter movement that was intended to empower parents who were... Read More

The couple, who is celebrating their 44th wedding anniversary this year, are stood at the forefront of the state's charter movement, as they were involved in the preliminary political discussions that led to the passage of Arizona's charter law in 1994.

School choice has grown by leaps and bounds over the past two decades, with literally millions of students benefiting from the choice movement, precisely because most studies have shown that school choice programs help improve educational outcomes — for students who receive private school scholarships, those who attend public charter schools, and those who remain in traditional public schools.

Also on the board are former Mayor Edward I. Koch; Geoffrey Canada, the founder of the Harlem Children's Zone organization, a network of charter schools; and a number of venture capitalists and hedge fund managers, who have served as the movement's financial backers.

Additionally attendees heard from a panel of several dynamic woman charter leaders from Northern and Southern California who discussed the diversity of the movement, where the sector's been, where it is now and where it is headed in the next 25 years.