Sentences with phrase «charter students gained»

Hispanic charter students gained 29 days of learning in reading and 17 days of learning in math compared to their peers in district schools.

Stanford University's Center for Research on Education Outcomes (CREDO) found that NYC charter students gained an additional one month of learning per year in reading over their district - school peers; in math the advantage was five months of additional learning each year.

Not exact matches

The minor gains that NYC students made on state reading and math tests aren't good enough, according to Eva Moskowitz, the Success Academy charter school founder, who blasted Mayor de Blasio for the incremental improvements at a press conference in her Wall Street headquarters.

«Once again, New York City's public charter schools are driving the gains made by the city's highest - need students,» said Families for Excellent Schools CEO Jeremiah Kittredge.

Is his choice more charters to serve investors that reap monetary gain and hedge (pun intended) their perception of success by returning troubled students to their local public institution?

More importantly, in a series of studies of individual cities, this very same research organization found that charter students were realizing huge academic gains.

Another way to think about these gains is to understand that, for every year they spend in a charter school, students make up 12 percent of the distance from failing to proficient in math.

Opponents argue that whatever gains may accrue to charter students, the cost to the public school system is far too high.

These charges seemed odd, given that the best studies available on the subject — from Stanford University's Center for Research on Education Outcomes (CREDO)-- show that Michigan charter students make large academic gains relative to similar students at district schools, particularly in Detroit.

The Mathematica study of charter middle schools, just released by the U. S. Department of Education, finds no achievement gains within two years for students who won the charter lottery as compared to those who did not.

For Spring Branch, that means the charter students, whom they consider «their» kids as well, gain access to electives that charter students don't normally get — the opportunity to play in a band or orchestra, take art or choir.

The CREDO report found that students in Boston charter schools gain the equivalent of 259 additional days of instruction in math and 245 days in reading compared to their counterparts in traditional district schools.

Despite making far larger test - score gains than students attending open - enrollment district schools, and despite the emphasis their schools place on cultivating non-cognitive skills, charter school students exhibit markedly lower average levels of self - control as measured by student self - reports (see Figure 2).

Tuttle, et al's recent evaluation of KIPP charter schools also finds large achievement test gains for charter students but little or no attainment benefit.

It found significant gains for disadvantaged students in charter schools but the opposite for wealthy suburban students in charter schools.

They have been embraced by Presidents Clinton, Bush, and Obama, and they have gained strong support in African American and Hispanic communities, where students are benefiting the most from charters.

During this same period, high - performing urban charters grew rapidly and produced exceptional gains in test scores and college enrollment rates for black and Latino students.

According to a rigorous Harvard evaluation, every year Jefferson students gain two and a half times as much in math and five times as much in English as the average school in New York City's relatively high - performing charter sector.

The fact that traditional public schools experienced net gains in performance, despite a slight decrease in average student quality, suggests that our estimates of the effects of charter - school competition may understate the true effect of charters on traditional public schools.

The school that stuck with the program (IS 228 in Brooklyn) posted student growth gains on the state assessment that were twice the average of NYC schools overall in its second year, and proficiency gains that exceeded both the city and charter school norms.

And, finally, do students who attend traditional public schools subject to competition from charter schools make larger achievement gains than they would have in the absence of charter schools?

Thus we use a method that in effect compares the test - score gains of individual students in charter schools with the test - score gains made by the same students when they were in traditional public schools.

We first compare the average gains made by all students in charter schools with the gains made by students in traditional public schools, taking into account differences in gender, ethnicity, and the highest level of education completed by their parents.

Early evidence suggested that quality control was indeed a concern: The achievement gains made by charter students in Arizona, in particular, often lagged that of their district peers through 2012.

Sarah Cordes of Temple University shows that elementary schools in New York City see a notable uptick in student achievement, attendance, and grade completion when a charter school opens nearby — and that these gains are largest when the schools are «co-located» in the same facility.

We address three main questions: Do students attending charter schools in these grades make larger or smaller gains in achievement than they would have made in traditional public schools?

Thirty - seven percent of the students for whom we observe test - score gains at least once in both sectors attended a traditional public school after they were in a charter school, while the same is true of only 30 percent of all students in charter schools.

If charter schools were primarily established in response to dissatisfaction with traditional public schools, they would tend to be located in areas with low - quality traditional public schools where students would tend to make below - average test - score gains.

Students in these grades make considerably smaller achievement gains in charter schools than they would have in traditional public schools, and the negative effects are not limited to schools in their first year of operation.

Our results suggest that traditional public schools did not respond to competition from charter schools by becoming more effective, at least as measured by the learning gains made by individual students in the years immediately following establishment of charter schools.

The CREDO analysis also shows that Michigan's low - income students, who comprise the vast majority of charter students in Detroit, make modest achievement gains (less than a month of additional learning in math each year) compared to district schools, as do black and Hispanic students.

As explained above, we address the problem of self - selection by comparing the gains made by students the years they were in charter schools with the gains made by the same students the years they were in traditional public schools.

Second, students who choose to remain in charter schools do not continue to make smaller gains than students in traditional public schools after their initial year in a charter school.

This pattern provides strong evidence that the smaller gains made by these charter school students are indeed due to the quality of the schools they attend rather than to any unobserved differences between charter school students and students in traditional public schools.

Although our data do not allow us to address this issue directly while still accounting for the self - selection of students into charter schools, simple comparisons indicate that students who entered charter schools in the later grades made smaller gains in math (but not reading) than students who entered earlier.

In the end, our analysis of charter school effectiveness is based on the experiences of only those students for whom we observe annual gains (whether positive or negative) in test scores at least once in a charter school and at least once in a traditional public school.

The results of our analysis of these «switchers,» which continues to take into account the difficulties associated with moving between schools, again indicate that students make smaller gains while enrolled in charter schools, by nearly 0.10 standard deviations in reading and 0.16 standard deviations in math.

However, it is also clear that the initial achievement hit these students take is not offset by gains in subsequent years, so that even this group, which is harmed least by attending a charter school, still has lower levels of achievement as a result of attending a charter school.

Alex Hernandez of the Charter School Growth Fund celebrated: «[CREDO] reports that the 107,000 students whose schools receive support from the Charter School Growth Fund gain, on average, the equivalent of four additional months of learning in math and three additional months of learning in reading each year when compared to peers in other public schools.»

If the students continued to make such gains for each year they spent in charter schools (a big «if»), then the gap between the charter school students and their suburban counterparts would close entirely after about five years of school.

Such studies, which compare the annual gains made by students in charter schools with the gains made by the same student while attending a traditional public school, draw only on the experiences of students who were tested for at least two years in the regular public schools before attending a charter school.

California is probably the best example of the difficulties of searching for reliable data on the question of academic gains for suburban charter students.

Similarly, the Stanford University Center for Research on Education Outcomes [4] found in a 2013 study that after only a year, New York City charter school students gained substantially more in reading and math than their traditional school peers.

Across all tested students in online charters, the typical academic gains for math are -0.25 standard deviations (equivalent to 180 fewer days of learning) and -0.10 (equivalent to 72 fewer days) for reading.

Based on the findings presented here, the typical student in Michigan charter schools gains more learning in a year than his [traditional public school (TPS)-RSB- counterparts, amounting to about two months of additional gains in reading and math.

Mathematica's survey of online school leaders gives important insight as to why students may not be making gains: online charter schools offer only 3 to 6 hours of «synchronous» (teachers and students in «live» contact online) instruction per week; school leaders say they struggle the most with student engagement; and it's clear that parents are expected to play an active role in instruction and in making sure that students stay on track.

The analysts then focused on charter and district students who landed in higher - quality schools after closure, and there they found even larger cumulative learning gains.

We could spend an entire EdNext volume arguing over the CREDO results alone, but I think some things are clear: one, nationally, low - income kids gain faster in charters than in district schools; two, many of CREDO's state and city - specific studies show very strong comparative gains for low - income charter students; and three, the movement as a whole has made significant progress by doing exactly what the model calls for and closing low - performing schools.

When charter students moved to higher - quality schools, they gained an additional fifty - eight days of learning in reading and eighty - eight days of learning in math by the third year after their school closed.

Some in the charter movement might prefer a value - added approach to accountability, one that looks at the gains made in student learning each year.