Of 170
child behaviour outcomes measured across 36 studies, 59 % were statistically significant and favoured parenting programme over control, with the remaining outcomes showing no statistically significant difference (a neutral outcome).
• There was a consistent trend across all studies showing a benefit from parenting programmes; meta - analysis of the most commonly reported
child behaviour outcomes showing statistically significant improvements
Other than fewer unrealistic expectations of their preschool children's behaviour, intervention parents did not differ from controls on parenting, parent mental health or
child behaviour outcomes.
Meta - analysis of studies reporting
child behaviour outcomes at postintervention.
Of 170
child behaviour outcomes measured across 36 studies, 59 % were statistically significant and favoured parenting programme over control, with the remaining outcomes showing no statistically significant difference (a neutral outcome).
Information includes type of comparison;
child behaviour outcome measures demonstrating a significant difference between comparison groups; numbers of children in each comparison group.
There were no statistically significant relationships between IF and the primary
child behaviour outcome.
Not exact matches
• A «dose effect» is found: worse
behaviour by fathers tends to result in worse
outcomes for
children, as does more extensive contact with a father who is «behaving badly» (Jaffee et al, 2003).
A substantial body of research now indicates that high levels of involvement by fathers in two parent families are associated with a range of desirable
outcomes in
children and young people, including: better peer relationships; fewer
behaviour problems; lower criminality and substance abuse; higher educational / occupational mobility, relative to that of parents; capacity for empathy; non-traditional attitudes to earning and childcare; more satisfying adult sexual partnerships; and higher self - esteem and life - satisfaction (for reviews see Flouri 2005; Pleck and Masciadrelli 2004).
Holding men who use violence fully responsible for their
behaviour and its effect on their
children will provide better
outcomes for the whole family.
Specifically, for fathers, higher expectations about their
children's educational level, and greater level / frequency of interest and direct involvement in
children's learning, education and schools, are associated strongly with better educational
outcomes for their
children, including: • better exam / test / class results • higher level of educational qualification • greater progress at school • better attitudes towards school (e.g. enjoyment) • higher educational expectations • better
behaviour at school (e.g. reduced risk of suspension or expulsion)(for discussion / review of all this research, see Goldman, 2005).
Long term the memories will be happier, the final
outcome will likely remain unchanged, but the most important thing is that our relationship and attachment with our
children is undamaged by our
behaviour in the heat of the moment.
The programme has been successfully trialled since 2008, and in that time has demonstrated impressive
outcomes — with significant improvements at 12 - month follow up in
children's» physical activity levels, BMI scores, dietary
behaviours, and educational and social
outcomes.
Low family income during the early childhood has been linked to comparatively less secure attachment, 4 higher levels of negative moods and inattention, 5 as well as lower levels of prosocial
behaviour in
children.2 The link between low family income and young
children's problem
behaviour has been replicated across several datasets with different
outcome measures, including parental reports of externalizing and internalizing behaviours,1 - 3, 7 -9,11-12 teacher reports of preschool behavioural problems, 10 and assessments of
children based on clinical diagnostic interviews.7
Six models showed favourable effects on primary
outcome measures (e.g., standardized measures of
child development
outcomes and reduction in
behaviour problems).13 Only studies with
outcomes using direct observation, direct assessment, or administrative records were included.
Most notable, perhaps, is that the assumed link between parent
behaviour change and improved
outcomes for
children has not received general support in research conducted to date.
In other words, even when home visitation programs succeed in their goal of changing parent
behaviour, these changes do not appear to produce significantly better
child outcomes.21, 22 One recent exception, however, was a study of the Home Instruction Program for Preschool Youngsters (HIPPY) model with low - income Latino families showing changes in home parenting and better third - grade math achievement.23 Earlier evaluations of HIPPY found mixed results regarding program effectiveness.
Thus, although improving the economic status of families promotes more positive
outcomes for
children's cognitive development and academic achievement, direct services and therapeutic interventions may be a comparatively more promising alternative for improving
children's psychosocial development and reducing
behaviour problems.
The prognosis for
children with conduct problems is poor, with
outcomes in adulthood including criminal
behaviour, alcoholism, drug abuse, domestic violence,
child abuse and a range of psychiatric disorders.
In support of this model, multiple studies have shown the association between infant negative reactivity and later psychosocial
outcomes such as problem
behaviour and self - regulation to be moderated by parental
behaviour, so that highly reactive
children fare better than others when they experience optimal parenting but worse than others when they experience negative parenting.41 - 46 Further support is found in studies indicating that interventions targeting parental attitudes and / or
behaviours are particularly effective for
children with a history of negative reactive temperament.47, 49
The prognosis for
children with conduct problems is poor, with
outcomes in adulthood including criminal
behaviour, alcoholism, drug abuse, domestic violence,
child abuse and a range of psychiatric disorders [3 — 6].
Two reviews do not report summary measures of effectiveness but suggest that parent training has a positive effect on
children's
behaviour problems, parental well - being and social
outcomes [15] and a positive effect for young
children with conduct disorder [16].
Given the overlap with other constructs (such as the
child's temperament, other parenting
behaviours) the degree to which attachment independently predicts
child outcome is uncertain.
Uncertainty remains regarding the importance of the improvements in
child behaviour scores and how these improvements translate into clinically meaningful
outcomes.
Studies were included if: (a) they were RCTs, (b) the population comprised parents / carers of
children up to the age of 18 where at least 50 % had a conduct problem (defined using objective clinical criteria, the clinical cut - off point on a well validated
behaviour scale or informal diagnostic criteria), (c) the intervention was a structured, repeatable (manualised) parenting programme (any theoretical basis, setting or mode of delivery) and (d) there was at least one standardised
outcome measuring
child behaviour.
Mothers reported more symptoms of psychological distress24, 25 and low self - efficacy.26, 27 And, although mothers report more depressive symptoms at the time their infants are experiencing colic, 28,29 research on maternal depression 3 months after the remittance of infant colic is mixed.30, 31 The distress mothers of colic infants report may arise out of their difficulties in soothing their infants as well as within their everyday dyadic interactions.32 The few studies to date that have examined the long - term consequences of having a colicky
child, however, indicate that there are no negative
outcomes for parent
behaviour and, importantly, for the parent -
child relationship.
Our review was restricted to a limited number of behavioural
outcomes and we were unable to exploit the full range of behavioural
outcome measures used across included studies and for some studies reporting of multiple measures of
child behaviour in the meta - analysis.
By facilitating their involvement in parenting programs, these families will have the opportunity to change some of their parenting
behaviours and beliefs, which may ultimately buffer
children who are at risk of poor developmental
outcomes because of genetic vulnerability, low birth weight, low socio - economic status, or cumulative environmental risks, among others.
A variety of studies suggest that fathers» engagement positively impacts their
children's social competence, 27 children's later IQ28 and other learning outcomes.29 The effects of fathers on children can include later - life educational, social and family outcomes.1, 2,26 Children may develop working models of appropriate paternal behaviour based on early childhood cues such as father presence, 30,31 in turn shaping their own later partnering and parenting dynamics, such as more risky adolescent sexual behaviour32 and earlier marriage.33 Paternal engagement decreases boys» negative social behaviour (e.g., delinquency) and girls» psychological problems in early adulthood.34 Fathers» financial support, apart from engagement, can also influence children's cognitive develo
children's social competence, 27
children's later IQ28 and other learning outcomes.29 The effects of fathers on children can include later - life educational, social and family outcomes.1, 2,26 Children may develop working models of appropriate paternal behaviour based on early childhood cues such as father presence, 30,31 in turn shaping their own later partnering and parenting dynamics, such as more risky adolescent sexual behaviour32 and earlier marriage.33 Paternal engagement decreases boys» negative social behaviour (e.g., delinquency) and girls» psychological problems in early adulthood.34 Fathers» financial support, apart from engagement, can also influence children's cognitive develo
children's later IQ28 and other learning
outcomes.29 The effects of fathers on
children can include later - life educational, social and family outcomes.1, 2,26 Children may develop working models of appropriate paternal behaviour based on early childhood cues such as father presence, 30,31 in turn shaping their own later partnering and parenting dynamics, such as more risky adolescent sexual behaviour32 and earlier marriage.33 Paternal engagement decreases boys» negative social behaviour (e.g., delinquency) and girls» psychological problems in early adulthood.34 Fathers» financial support, apart from engagement, can also influence children's cognitive develo
children can include later - life educational, social and family
outcomes.1, 2,26
Children may develop working models of appropriate paternal behaviour based on early childhood cues such as father presence, 30,31 in turn shaping their own later partnering and parenting dynamics, such as more risky adolescent sexual behaviour32 and earlier marriage.33 Paternal engagement decreases boys» negative social behaviour (e.g., delinquency) and girls» psychological problems in early adulthood.34 Fathers» financial support, apart from engagement, can also influence children's cognitive develo
Children may develop working models of appropriate paternal
behaviour based on early childhood cues such as father presence, 30,31 in turn shaping their own later partnering and parenting dynamics, such as more risky adolescent sexual
behaviour32 and earlier marriage.33 Paternal engagement decreases boys» negative social
behaviour (e.g., delinquency) and girls» psychological problems in early adulthood.34 Fathers» financial support, apart from engagement, can also influence
children's cognitive develo
children's cognitive development.35
Findings in the majority of research syntheses indicate capacity - building helpgiving practices are related to a host of positive parent, family, parent —
child, and
child outcomes.22, 27,5 Both relational and participatory helpgiving practices were found to be related to participant satisfaction with program and practitioner supports, program resources, informal and formal supports, parent and family well - being, family functioning, and
child behaviour and development.
The ability of
children to control impulsive
behaviour and plan before action may be critical to their success in adult life; it has been suggested that possessing such self - control in childhood can predict health, relationship and career
outcomes in adulthood.
Dr David Armstrong, PwC partner and one of the authors of the independent report said the review provided evidence that the activities of the Achieving Schools programme were effective: «If we focus on wider
outcomes, such as improving self - esteem and confidence, and interventions that seek to address poor
behaviour, these can contribute to achieving emotional intelligence in
children and young people.
The benefits of embedding an environmental
behaviour change programme into an empowering project for school
children are ample and through GAP's experience, we've seen the most successful
outcomes delivered where students are encouraged to own the process from beginning to end and develop the necessary tools to reach their goals.
Parental engagement with
children's learning — when understood this way — can have positive effects on
behaviour, attendance, engagement with learning and ultimately with
children's academic
outcomes.
In a recent randomised controlled trial (RCT), 32 we showed that an intervention in the form of a culturally tailored parenting support programme was effective in reducing
children's
behaviour problems 2 months after the intervention, which was our primary
outcome measure of the study.
Existing SNHV trials show relatively modest effects (effect sizes of 0.2 — 0.4 SDs) for
outcomes such as
child mental health and
behaviour, and cognitive and language development, from infancy to mid - childhood.19 While effect sizes of 0.25 — 0.3 SDs can be meaningful and impactful at the whole of population level, 59 targeted public health interventions such as SNHV include a cost and intensity such that larger effects in the short - to - medium term might be necessary to justify implementation at a population level.
Many different
outcomes were examined (see online table C4 in the supplementary web appendices for details), with most assessed using validated tools (such as the
Child Behaviour Checklist, the Infant
Behaviour Questionnaire, the Parent — Infant Relationship Global Assessment, the Q - Sort Measure of the Security of Attachment and social and emotional well - being scores from the Ages and Stages Questionnaire).
Secondary hypotheses are that (1) mothers will have improved pregnancy
outcomes, quality of life, mental health, general health and well - being, parenting self - efficacy and health service use; (2)
children will demonstrate improved general health and functioning; and (3) siblings will have improved mental health and
behaviour.
Mothers most commonly reported that their
children were in the care of relatives (65 %) with 11 % reporting that their
child was in the
child protection system.15 Disruption to a
child's living arrangements, including separation from parents and siblings, can result in psychological and emotional distress.16 17 A recent systematic review and meta - analysis of 40 studies that investigated
child outcomes when either parent was incarcerated found a significant association with antisocial
behaviour (pooled OR = 1.6, 95 % CI 1.4 to 1.9) and poor educational performance (pooled OR = 1.4, 95 % CI 1.1 to 1.8).18 Other research indicates that
children of incarcerated mothers are at risk of increased criminal involvement, mental health issues, physical health problems, behavioural problems, 19
child protection contact20 and poorer educational
outcomes.21
It is hypothesised that improvements in
children's self - regulation following the Alert Program will lead to a reduction in disruptive
behaviours.50 — 53 All other
outcomes will be secondary.
Other
outcomes: parenting styles on the parent
behaviour checklist;
child's temperament using...
Felitti and colleagues1 first described ACEs and defined it as exposure to psychological, physical or sexual abuse, and household dysfunction including substance abuse (problem drinking / alcoholic and / or street drugs), mental illness, a mother treated violently and criminal
behaviour in the household.1 Along with the initial ACE study, other studies have characterised ACEs as neglect, parental separation, loss of family members or friends, long - term financial adversity and witness to violence.2 3 From the original cohort of 9508 American adults, more than half of respondents (52 %) experienced at least one adverse childhood event.1 Since the original cohort, ACE exposures have been investigated globally revealing comparable prevalence to the original cohort.4 5 More recently in 2014, a survey of 4000 American
children found that 60.8 % of
children had at least one form of direct experience of violence, crime or abuse.6 The ACE study precipitated interest in the health conditions of adults maltreated as
children as it revealed links to chronic diseases such as obesity, autoimmune diseases, heart, lung and liver diseases, and cancer in adulthood.1 Since then, further evidence has revealed relationships between ACEs and physical and mental health
outcomes, such as increased risk of substance abuse, suicide and premature mortality.4 7
We were able to perform meta - analysis for one long - term
outcome:
child behaviour measured by the SDQ.
Two of the studies included in the meta - analyses had
outcomes with domains at moderate to high risk of bias.45 47 Removing Bridgeman et al from the meta - analysis on
child behaviour did not alter the results considerably (d = 0.12; 95 % CI 0.01 to 0.25).
By doing so it is proposed that schools and professionals may be in a position to offer and teach the
child alternative acceptable behavioural options which meet the same needs or intended
outcomes of the original
behaviour.
Main
outcome measures: Mother —
child interaction, maternal psychological health attitudes and
behaviour, infant functioning and development, and risk of neglect or abuse.
«One is that on average,
children whose parents separate are at increased risk for a range of
outcomes like
behaviour problems or not finishing education.
Results were summarised for
child development (
behaviour, cognitive development, psychomotor development and communication / language) and parent —
child relationship (relationship, sensitivity and attachment classification)
outcomes for the following assessment times: postintervention (PI — immediately after intervention ending), short - term (ST — less than 6 months after intervention ending), medium - term (MT — 7 — 12 months after intervention ending) and long - term (LT — more than 12 months after intervention ending) follow - up.
The meta - analyses showed the most pronounced effect sizes for parent —
child interaction and maternal sensitivity, whereas the effects on
child behaviour and cognitive development were either small or not significant; however, small effect sizes can have meaningful impact on population - level
outcomes.60 The non-significant
outcomes for internalising and externalising
behaviours were also small, but may be clinically relevant for large, at - risk populations.
A confluence of research has identified executive functioning deficits as a common characteristic of individuals with FASD.9 15 — 27 Damage to neurological structures, including the prefrontal regions of the brain, is a significant hypothesised cause for these deficits.28 29 Executive functions are defined as a set of cognitive processes responsible for orchestrating purposeful, goal - directed
behaviour.15 30 31 These processes are responsible for the ability to plan, organise, attend, problem solve and inhibit responses.31 It is also suggested that the ability to self - regulate emotional responses and behavioural actions is interrelated with the construct of executive functioning.17 28 32 Deficits in executive functioning and self - regulation can lead to learning and behavioural problems that impact a
child's educational
outcomes as they struggle to cope with the complex demands of school life.16 20