Sentences with phrase «child health inequalities»

Equally Well defines child health inequalities in two ways.

It is clear that most of the resilience measures that are significantly associated with avoiding negative outcomes do not sit entirely within the health domain and that effective action to promote resilience and address child health inequalities requires action at many different levels and from a wide range of agencies and bodies.

Not exact matches

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By promoting health equity, which will aid in the reduction of barriers and inequality in maternal and child health for women of color in the D.C. Metro Area, we aim to foster healthy individuals, healthy families and healthy communities.

The Global Strategy has not yet been fully implemented in the countries of the UK and the APPG will continue to explore the policy options, while hearing from experts on how these will contribute to improving infant and young child feeding practices, improving short and long - term health outcomes and reducing health inequalities.

The book points out the extent to which, when it comes to overall maternal and child health, the psychiatric community has had a tendency to ignore social inequality and poverty as contributing factors to psychological disorders.

He warned that» If some operators would use branding in a way that confuses mothers, particularly the least educated ones, then this could result in a step backwards that would increase health inequalities in Europe and would affect member states and WHO efforts to combat childhood obesity and other child health problems.»

Professor Neena Modi President, Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health Alison Thewlis MP Chair, all - party parliamentary group on infant feeding and health inequalities Sue Ashmore Programme director, Unicef UK Baby Friendly Initiative Justine Roberts Founder, Mumsnet Caroline Lee - Davey Chief executive, Bliss Cathy Warwick Chief executive, Royal College of Midwives Professor Helen Stokes - Lampard Chair, Royal College of General Practitioners Janet Davies Chief executive and general secretary, Royal College of Nursing Professor Lesley Regan President, Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists Dr Cheryll Adams Executive director, Institute of Health Visiting Jess Figueras Chair of trustee board, NCT Dr Asha Kasliwal President, Faculty of Sexual and Reproductive Healthcare Clare Meynell and Helen Gray Joint coordinators, World Breastfeeding Trends Initiative (WBTi) UK Working Group Emma Pickett Chair, Association of Breastfeeding Mothers Shereen Fisher Chief executive, The Breastfeeding Network Zoe Faulkner Chair, Lactation Consultants of Great Britain Eden Anderson Chair, La Leche LeaHealth Alison Thewlis MP Chair, all - party parliamentary group on infant feeding and health inequalities Sue Ashmore Programme director, Unicef UK Baby Friendly Initiative Justine Roberts Founder, Mumsnet Caroline Lee - Davey Chief executive, Bliss Cathy Warwick Chief executive, Royal College of Midwives Professor Helen Stokes - Lampard Chair, Royal College of General Practitioners Janet Davies Chief executive and general secretary, Royal College of Nursing Professor Lesley Regan President, Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists Dr Cheryll Adams Executive director, Institute of Health Visiting Jess Figueras Chair of trustee board, NCT Dr Asha Kasliwal President, Faculty of Sexual and Reproductive Healthcare Clare Meynell and Helen Gray Joint coordinators, World Breastfeeding Trends Initiative (WBTi) UK Working Group Emma Pickett Chair, Association of Breastfeeding Mothers Shereen Fisher Chief executive, The Breastfeeding Network Zoe Faulkner Chair, Lactation Consultants of Great Britain Eden Anderson Chair, La Leche Leahealth inequalities Sue Ashmore Programme director, Unicef UK Baby Friendly Initiative Justine Roberts Founder, Mumsnet Caroline Lee - Davey Chief executive, Bliss Cathy Warwick Chief executive, Royal College of Midwives Professor Helen Stokes - Lampard Chair, Royal College of General Practitioners Janet Davies Chief executive and general secretary, Royal College of Nursing Professor Lesley Regan President, Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists Dr Cheryll Adams Executive director, Institute of Health Visiting Jess Figueras Chair of trustee board, NCT Dr Asha Kasliwal President, Faculty of Sexual and Reproductive Healthcare Clare Meynell and Helen Gray Joint coordinators, World Breastfeeding Trends Initiative (WBTi) UK Working Group Emma Pickett Chair, Association of Breastfeeding Mothers Shereen Fisher Chief executive, The Breastfeeding Network Zoe Faulkner Chair, Lactation Consultants of Great Britain Eden Anderson Chair, La Leche LeaHealth Visiting Jess Figueras Chair of trustee board, NCT Dr Asha Kasliwal President, Faculty of Sexual and Reproductive Healthcare Clare Meynell and Helen Gray Joint coordinators, World Breastfeeding Trends Initiative (WBTi) UK Working Group Emma Pickett Chair, Association of Breastfeeding Mothers Shereen Fisher Chief executive, The Breastfeeding Network Zoe Faulkner Chair, Lactation Consultants of Great Britain Eden Anderson Chair, La Leche League GB

Another strength is that our results provide a more complete assessment of socioeconomic inequalities in breastfeeding rates, by estimating both relative and absolute inequalities, than common practice in inequality assessments.23 Finally, our study analysed effects of the intervention not only on an immediate, direct outcome (breastfeeding) but also on a long - term consequence of breastfeeding (child cognitive ability) that is associated with important health and behavioural outcomes in later life.27

He has conducted extensive research in maternal and child health and nutrition, long - term birth cohort studies, inequalities in health, and on the evaluation of the impact of major global health programs.

In Pelotas, he coordinates the International Center for Equity in Health, where he carries out cohort studies as well as global reviews of levels and trends of inequalities in maternal and child hHealth, where he carries out cohort studies as well as global reviews of levels and trends of inequalities in maternal and child healthhealth.

Gender factors affect maternal and child health in many ways and often manifest in terms of gender inequality through control of resources, decision - making, and access to health information, which can affect behaviors that in turn affect the mother's and her child's health [1].

This blog shows how the data can be used as a tool to inform decision - making, especially for commissioning services, to reduce inequalities in child health.

Gender inequality inhibits women and girls from effectively understanding, accessing and utilizing reproductive, maternal, neonatal, child and adolescent health (RMNCAH) services.

Sharon Hodgson, Labour MP for Tyne and Wear, tells politics.co.uk that free, hot meals for all school children would help cut obesity and reverse health inequalities.

«It is an effective and relatively easy way to help address health inequalities - giving children from poorer backgrounds a dental health boost that can last a lifetime, reducing tooth decay and thereby cutting down on the amount of dental work they need in the future.»

«Theresa May is not only risking the health of some of our youngest children, but she will also create terrible inequality in the classroom,» former deputy prime minister Nick Clegg said as the party launched a poster campaign on the issue in London.

«So much of our funding for children in adversity focuses on girls,» said Kathryn Whetten, director of the Center for Health Policy and Inequalities Research at the Duke Global Health Institute.

Education is a powerful instrument for reducing poverty and inequality, improving health and social well - being, and laying the basis for sustained economic growth... [We will] ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling.

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Albert Shanker, the head of the AFT from 1974 to 1997, believed that teachers» unions should be affiliated with the AFL - CIO in part because teachers could do a much better job of educating students if educators were part of a coalition that fought to reduce income inequality, and provide for better housing and health care for children.

The legislation recognizes that achieving excellence in American education depends on providing access to opportunity for all children, and that increasing inequality within external social, economic, health and community factors — traditionally viewed as outside of the domain of schools — have a significant influence on academic outcomes and a persistent achievement gap.

Objectives Early child development may have important consequences for inequalities in health and well - being.

The generational transmission of socioeconomic inequalities in child cognitive development and emotional health.

It is recognised that the opportunities for prevention and public health interventions will be enhanced the more we understand the early pathways to poorer health and development1 and that to have an impact on health inequalities will require us to address the social determinants of early child health, development and well - being.2 However, appropriate service and systemic improvements for reducing developmental inequalities requires an understanding of the patterns of child health and development across population groups and geographies in order to underpin a progressive universal portfolio of services.3

Of interest is that the inequality between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal children is greater for females than for males particularly on the Physical health and well - being domain, where the OR for male Aboriginal children is 1.81 (95 % CI 1.68 to 1.95) compared with 2.38 for female Aboriginal children (95 % CI 2.19 to 2.58).

This is the first study to document how population - level health inequalities have changed during childhood in a nationally representative cohort of UK children born at the beginning of the 21st century.

Multiple studies undertaken over many years attest to the effect of parenting on the development of children and young people, 1,2 and on their mental3 — 5 and physical health in adult life.6, 7 Good quality, timely support for parents has now been identified in national and international policy documents as important for reducing social inequalities in health, 8 preventing mental illness, 9 — 11 and enhancing social and educational development.12

Although the results from the present study may not be conclusive on whether children who participate in ECE have better learning outcomes due to lack of robust longitudinal support, it is undeniable that stimulation of child characteristics that are targeted to reduce educational inequalities at school entry between advantaged and disadvantaged children represents a critical foundation in reducing the economic, health, and social burdens associated with poverty.

Parenting has an impact on emotional, social, and cognitive development, playing an important role in the aetiology of mental illness, educational failure, delinquency, and criminality.1 Parenting is to some extent socially patterned, 2,3 and interventions to support the development of «helpful» parenting therefore have a role to play in combating social inequalities in health.4 The best mental health and social outcomes are achieved by parents who supervise and control their children in an age appropriate way, use consistent positive discipline, communicate clearly and supportively, and show warmth, affection, encouragement, and approval.5 — 8

The first 5 years of life are critical for the development of language and cognitive skills.1 By kindergarten entry, steep social gradients in reading and math ability, with successively poorer outcomes for children in families of lower social class, are already apparent.2 — 4 Early cognitive ability is, in turn, predictive of later school performance, educational attainment, and health in adulthood5 — 7 and may serve as a marker for the quality of early brain development and a mechanism for the transmission of future health inequalities.8 Early life represents a time period of most equality and yet, beginning with in utero conditions and extending through early childhood, a wide range of socially stratified risk and protective factors may begin to place children on different trajectories of cognitive development.9, 10

Ms. Suggs has extensive experience in child welfare and behavioral health, focused on residential and special education; adoption and foster care; community mental health; sexual abuse; and trauma; as well as issues that impact children such as income inequality, poverty, and community violence.

Experts have shown in study after study that high - quality early care and education produce external benefits that are abundant and long - lasting.29 Quality child care may be costly, but many of its associated benefits spill over into society over time, reducing inequality in educational, health, and social outcomes.

«Health inequality is a stark reminder of a great divide in the nation across education, income, housing, mental health, chronic disease, child and maternal health, access to health services, andHealth inequality is a stark reminder of a great divide in the nation across education, income, housing, mental health, chronic disease, child and maternal health, access to health services, andhealth, chronic disease, child and maternal health, access to health services, andhealth, access to health services, andhealth services, and more.

These developments accentuate the need to monitor the well - being of the most disadvantaged children, but income inequality also has far - reaching consequences for society, harming educational attainment, key health outcomes and even economic growth.

Of course, for us, health inequality has always been a very, very personal issue: it's the duration and the quality of our lives, our children's lives, our parents» lives that are at stake.

This builds on the issue of health inequalities highlighted in the Scottish Government report Equally Well (Scottish Government 2008, page 3), which stressed the need to address the «inter-generational factors that risk perpetuating Scotland's health inequalities from parent to child, particularly by supporting the best possible start in life for all children in Scotland».

To summarise, the findings suggest that parenting may explain some, but not all of the inequalities in child health behaviours that are linked to family adversity.

When the dashed line falls below the solid line this indicates a reduction in the strength of association between family adversity and child health when parenting variables are added to the model suggesting that differences in parenting across families with different levels of adversity explain some of the inequalities in child health outcomes.

As noted in the previous chapter, health inequalities can be fairly broadly defined to include differences in: specific health outcomes (such as low birthweight, obesity, long - term conditions, accidents); health related risk factors that impact directly on children (such as poor diet, low levels of physical activity, exposure to tobacco smoke); as well as exposure to wider risks from parental / familial behaviours and environmental circumstances (maternal depression and / or poor physical health, alcohol consumption, limited interaction, limited cognitive stimulation, poor housing, lack of access to greenspace).

This document is also available in pdf format (180k) This research finding is one of four & accompanied with (GUS) Health inequalities in the early years, (GUS) The circumstances of persistently poor children, research findings 1/2010, (GUS) Maternal mental health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings Health inequalities in the early years, (GUS) The circumstances of persistently poor children, research findings 1/2010, (GUS) Maternal mental health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings 4/2010

We explore whether inequalities in child health and health behaviours linked to family adversity are reduced when we account for variation in parenting behaviour.

Matt Barnes, Jenny Chanfreau and Wojtek Tomaszewski, National Centre for Social Research Prepared for the Scottish Government: Children, Young People and Social Care Directorate by the Scottish Centre for Social Research ISBN 978 0 7559 8311 7 (Web only publication) This document is also available in pdf format (688k) This report is one of four report & accompanied with research findings 1/2010, (GUS) Health inequalities in the early years, research findings, 2/2010, (GUS) Maternal mental health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findingsChildren, Young People and Social Care Directorate by the Scottish Centre for Social Research ISBN 978 0 7559 8311 7 (Web only publication) This document is also available in pdf format (688k) This report is one of four report & accompanied with research findings 1/2010, (GUS) Health inequalities in the early years, research findings, 2/2010, (GUS) Maternal mental health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings 4Health inequalities in the early years, research findings, 2/2010, (GUS) Maternal mental health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings 4health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findingschildren's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings 4/2010.

6 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 6.1 Associations between parenting and health and health behaviours 6.2 Does parenting help to explain social inequalities in child health?

In order to estimate how much of the relationship between family adversity and health behaviour inequalities is explained by differences in parenting, children who had no adversity were compared with children experiencing any level of adversity (more information is provided in section 2.6 of the Technical Appendix) 10.

This document is also available in pdf format (180k) This research findings is one of four & accompanied with a full report (GUS) The circumstances of persistently poor children, (GUS) Health inequalities in the early years, research findings 2/2010, (GUS) Maternal mental health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings Health inequalities in the early years, research findings 2/2010, (GUS) Maternal mental health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings health & its impact on child behaviour & development, research findings 3/2010, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings 4/2010

The second is to investigate the extent to which variation in parenting practices may help to account for inequalities in child health and health behaviours associated with family adversity.

This implies that parenting may help to explain some of the inequalities in child health behaviours linked to family adversity, particularly among those families experiencing higher levels of adversity.

This document is also available in pdf format (2Mb) This report is one of four reports & accompanied with research findings, 3/2010 (GUS) The circumstances of persistently poor children, research findings 1/2010, (GUS) Health inequalities in the early years, research findings 2/2010,, (GUS) children's social, emotional & behavioural charactoristics at entry to primary school, research findings 4/2010.

As in the previous section, to estimate how much of the relationship between family adversity and health behaviour inequalities is explained by differences in parenting, children with any level of family adversity greater than zero were compared with those who had no adversity.