Sentences with phrase «childhood cognitive outcomes»

In pregnancy, greater maternal fish intake (particularly fish low in mercury contamination) is associated with better childhood cognitive outcomes, 7 but the extent to which maternal fish intake during lactation accounts for the relationship between breastfeeding and cognition has not been reported.

Not exact matches

Given the correlations between cognitive ability and academic achievement throughout childhood and into young adulthood, it is evident that if breastfeeding is associated with one of these outcomes, it is likely to be associated with others.

A variety of studies suggest that fathers» engagement positively impacts their children's social competence, 27 children's later IQ28 and other learning outcomes.29 The effects of fathers on children can include later - life educational, social and family outcomes.1, 2,26 Children may develop working models of appropriate paternal behaviour based on early childhood cues such as father presence, 30,31 in turn shaping their own later partnering and parenting dynamics, such as more risky adolescent sexual behaviour32 and earlier marriage.33 Paternal engagement decreases boys» negative social behaviour (e.g., delinquency) and girls» psychological problems in early adulthood.34 Fathers» financial support, apart from engagement, can also influence children's cognitive development.35

These findings are all consistent with the growing body of literature on the impact of adverse childhood experiences on neurological, cognitive, emotional and social development, as well as physical health.38 Although some studies have found no relation between physical punishment and negative outcomes, 35 and others have found the relation to be moderated by other factors, 12 no study has found physical punishment to have a long - term positive effect, and most studies have found negative effects.17

While late - term gestation was associated with an increase in the rate of abnormal conditions at birth and with worse physical outcomes during childhood, it was also associated with better performance on all three measures of school - based cognitive functioning measures during childhood,» the study concludes.

«It will be valuable to learn whether improvements in earnings by families with pregnant women, improved maternal nutrition or reduced maternal stress — all factors associated with higher birth weight — also translate to better cognitive outcomes in childhood,» said Figlio, IPR faculty fellow and Orrington Lunt Professor of Education and Social Policy and of Economics at Northwestern's School of Education and Social Policy.

Long - term effects of early childhood programs on cognitive and school outcomes.

Experiences in the first 1000 days of life have a crucial influence on child development and health.1 Appropriate early child development (including physical, social and emotional, language and cognitive domains) has consistently been shown to be associated with good health and educational outcomes in childhood and consequent health and employment outcomes in adulthood.2 — 4 Adopting a life course approach, including early intervention, is essential, 5 and investment is therefore needed in effective prenatal and postnatal services to optimise child health, well - being and developmental resilience.6

Poor cognitive development19 — 21 and behavioural difficulties22 — 26 in childhood have each been associated with an increased prevalence of poor physical and mental health outcomes in adulthood.

Existing SNHV trials show relatively modest effects (effect sizes of 0.2 — 0.4 SDs) for outcomes such as child mental health and behaviour, and cognitive and language development, from infancy to mid - childhood.19 While effect sizes of 0.25 — 0.3 SDs can be meaningful and impactful at the whole of population level, 59 targeted public health interventions such as SNHV include a cost and intensity such that larger effects in the short - to - medium term might be necessary to justify implementation at a population level.

Objective: To examine the associations between childhood socioeconomic and family circumstances, health and behavioural and cognitive development, and health and mental well - being outcomes in adulthood; exploring whether associations are different for cohorts born in 1958 and 1970, or for men and women.

To conclude, the present study has extended the previous empirical findings regarding the importance of early childhood education in stimulating cognitive skills and improving learning outcomes.

These programs include the Nurse Family Partnership, 16,17 Healthy Families America, 18,19 Healthy Start, 20,21 Early Head Start, 22,23 the Comprehensive Child Development Program, 24 — 26 and Early Start.27, 28 All of these programs have been evaluated by using randomized control designs but findings from these trials have been mixed, with some programs showing benefits and others failing to show benefits.29, 30 In a recent review, Howard and Brooks - Gunn30 found that home - visiting programs had reported benefits for a number of outcomes, including child abuse, child health care, quality of home environment, parenting, parental depression, and childhood cognitive skills.

Perinatal depression is common; in high - income countries the point prevalence is approximately 13 %, with higher rates estimated in low - income and middle - income countries.1 Furthermore, perinatal depression is associated with an increased risk of adverse child outcomes, including behavioural, emotional and cognitive difficulties, 2 which persist into late childhood and adolescence.

We contend that childhood temperament shapes the manner in which individuals perceive their surroundings, which influences their social interactions in a reciprocal manner and eventual social and mental health outcomes.17 This dynamic is particularly evident in early adolescence during which the emergence of the peer group as a more salient influence on development coincides with sharp increases in psychopathology, 16 particularly SAD.6, 15,18 Temperament also shapes vital cognitive processes, such as attention and certain executive processes which provide the foundation from which children perceive and respond to social cues in the environment.

These include poor birth outcomes, child abuse and neglect, and childhood cognitive disabilities.

These toxic stress - induced changes in brain structure and function mediate, at least in part, the well - described relationship between adversity and altered life - course trajectories (see Fig 1).4, 6 A hyper - responsive or chronically activated stress response contributes to the inflammation and changes in immune function that are seen in those chronic, noncommunicable diseases often associated with childhood adversity, like chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), cirrhosis, type II diabetes, depression, and cardiovascular disease.4, 6 Impairments in critical SE, language, and cognitive skills contribute to the fractured social networks often associated with childhood adversity, like school failure, poverty, divorce, homelessness, violence, and limited access to healthcare.4, 19,58 — 60 Finally, behavioral allostasis, or the adoption of potentially maladaptive behaviors to deal or cope with chronic stress, begins to explain the association between childhood adversity and unhealthy lifestyles, like alcohol, tobacco, and substance abuse, promiscuity, gambling, and obesity.4, 6,61 Taken together, these 3 general classes of altered developmental outcomes (unhealthy lifestyles, fractured social networks, and changes in immune function) contribute to the development of noncommunicable diseases and encompass many of the morbidities associated epidemiologically with childhood adversity.4, 6

The first 5 years of life are critical for the development of language and cognitive skills.1 By kindergarten entry, steep social gradients in reading and math ability, with successively poorer outcomes for children in families of lower social class, are already apparent.2 — 4 Early cognitive ability is, in turn, predictive of later school performance, educational attainment, and health in adulthood5 — 7 and may serve as a marker for the quality of early brain development and a mechanism for the transmission of future health inequalities.8 Early life represents a time period of most equality and yet, beginning with in utero conditions and extending through early childhood, a wide range of socially stratified risk and protective factors may begin to place children on different trajectories of cognitive development.9, 10

Problems with communication, specifically non-verbal cognitive ability, are a strong predictor of externalising behaviour problems.3 Children with ASD exhibit more severe internalising and externalising behaviours than non-ASD children, as well as a high prevalence of aggressive behaviour.3 These behavioural challenges can often cause caregivers more distress and mental health problems than the core ASD symptoms.4, 5 Increased child behaviour problems and parental (especially maternal) psychological distress compared with children without autism is established early in life — by the time that children are aged 5 years.6 These co-occurring, behaviour problems are of concern in early childhood because of the importance of these early years for longer term child developmental outcomes.7

Associated outcomes include negative infant temperament, 24 insecure attachment, 25 cognitive and language development difficulties, 26 lower self - esteem and other cognitive vulnerabilities to depression in five year olds, 27 and poorer peer relations in early childhood.28

If untreated, it can lead to a variety of negative health and developmental consequences for children, 15 including childhood behavior problems, cognitive delays, and physical health problems.16 Untreated maternal depression has also been associated with negative outcomes in employment and income for mothers, suggesting that the costs of maternal depression extend beyond the individual family to the broader economy.17

By school entry, 43 — 47 % of Aboriginal children have markers of developmental vulnerability.12, 13 In 2009, the first - ever national census of childhood development at school entry showed that Aboriginal children were 2 — 3 times more likely than non-Aboriginal children to be developmentally vulnerable — defined as an Australian Early Development Census (AEDC) score below the 10th centile — on one or more domains.14 The Longitudinal Survey of Australian Children reported similar disparities for cognitive outcomes among Aboriginal children aged 4 — 5 years, although the number of Aboriginal children was very small and not representative of the Aboriginal population.15 There is currently a dearth of empirical research that identifies the drivers of positive early childhood health and development in Aboriginal children, or characterises vulnerable developmental trajectories.

Speed of word recognition and vocabulary knowledge in infancy predict cognitive and language outcomes in later childhood

A variety of studies suggest that fathers» engagement positively impacts their children's social competence, 27 children's later IQ28 and other learning outcomes.29 The effects of fathers on children can include later - life educational, social and family outcomes.1, 2,26 Children may develop working models of appropriate paternal behaviour based on early childhood cues such as father presence, 30,31 in turn shaping their own later partnering and parenting dynamics, such as more risky adolescent sexual behaviour32 and earlier marriage.33 Paternal engagement decreases boys» negative social behaviour (e.g., delinquency) and girls» psychological problems in early adulthood.34 Fathers» financial support, apart from engagement, can also influence children's cognitive development.35

While a substantial body of international evidence indicates that these children display poorer cognitive and socio - emotional outcomes than children living in traditional families, research on childhood mental disorders is scarce.