In theory, the concept might appeal to those who think taxpayers who don't use public schools should get other benefits instead — and to proponents of allowing parents even greater flexibility and
choice than vouchers offer them.
Not exact matches
More
than 39,000 households benefit from Section 8 Housing
Choice vouchers, which are completely funded by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, according to the analysis.
«School
choice is enhanced when
voucher schools or other alternatives supported on the public dime report more rather
than less information,» said Cowen, associate professor of education policy and teacher education.
Though
voucher programs tend to receive more attention, more
than six in ten students attending private school through an educational
choice program are using tax - credit scholarships.
Opposition to expanding school
choice through a universal
voucher initiative that «gives all students an opportunity to go to private schools with government funding» is higher in this year's survey
than a year ago.
CAMBRIDGE, MA — A new study estimates that between 7.5 and 14 percent of students in Milwaukee's
voucher program have disabilities, a much higher rate
than the one provided by the Wisconsin State Department of Public Instruction (DPI), which has stated, «about 1.6 percent of
choice students have a disability.»
The third contrasts parental
choice with other «possibilities» — like rigorous academic standards and competent teachers — again giving the impression that they are alternatives to
vouchers rather
than (as is in fact the case) entirely complementary.
Even
voucher advocates would agree that, because private school
choice is costly under the current system, parents who go private are likely to be more socially advantaged
than parents who remain in the public schools.
We've gone from two, century - old
voucher programs in Maine and Vermont to having private school
choice in more
than half of the states.
According to school
choice supporters, such as Marquette University professor and former Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS) superintendent Howard Fuller, MPCP saves the taxpayers considerable cash, as the
voucher is smaller
than per - pupil spending by MPS.
Because they were more interested in promoting equality of opportunity
than simply consumer
choice, sociologist Christopher Jencks and law professors John Coons and Stephen Sugarman proposed placing some constraints on how
vouchers could be used: Disadvantaged students would receive larger
vouchers, and regulations would prevent any school that accepted
vouchers from imposing tuition and fees beyond the value of the
voucher.
Concerns about charter schools include them challenging the long - existing status quo (there are more
than 4,000 in the U.S.); adding fuel to the debate of
vouchers, markets, and
choice; and affecting the funding of traditional schools, seemingly pitting charter activists against traditional school educators.
While charter schools and digital learning are thought to be the safest
choice options for political elites to promote, tax credits are even more popular
than charters, and
vouchers, the most controversial proposal, also command the support of half the population when the idea is posed in an inviting way.
Charter schools,
vouchers, tax credits, and online education all provide students and families with greater
choice in 2008
than they had in 1998.
Although the promise and potential of parental
choice is nowhere more evident
than in the realm of technology, the arguments for allowing students ready access to cyberschools extend to interdistrict school
choice, charter schools, private schools, and
vouchers as well.
In the fall, 870 students in kindergarten through 3rd grade whose families earned less
than two and a half times the federal poverty level and who would otherwise attend some of the worst schools in the city received
vouchers worth up to $ 6,000 to attend private schools of their
choice.
Second, school
choice is bigger
than voucher programs and charter schools.
And it points the way to a solution to the problem of market - suffocating regulation under school
choice programs: pursue school
choice through education tax credits rather
than vouchers or charter schools.
Voucher programs that give recipients the free and independent
choice of an array of providers, including faith - based organizations, have a long and established history in Arizona, including six different educational
voucher programs that help more
than 22,000 students annually attend the public, private or religious school of their
choice.
The truth is, we have lost the change - forest for the
choice - trees, too often pushing charters and
vouchers as an end in and of themselves rather
than a means to spur innovation and opportunity and ultimately deliver on the promise of a great education for all children.
The debate on school
choice is about more
than just opposing
vouchers and our efforts center on supporting policy that strengthens public schools.
From a policy - maker's point of voew the important issue is not whether private schools out - perform government schools in the education of students who want out (
voucher applicants), but whether
choice systems as a whole perform better
than systems which do not feature
choice.
To measure the effects of private school
choice, we compare the long - term outcomes of more
than 10,000 low - income students who first used FTC
vouchers between 2004 and 2010 with outcomes of students with similar characteristics who never participated.
Expanding
voucher programs and charter schools will involve more
than just lifting the enrollment caps on such programs; it will also require private - or public - sector efforts to create more schools of
choice.
No less
than 56 % favor a school
voucher that would «give families with children in public schools a wider
choice, by allowing them to enroll their children in private schools, instead, with government helping to pay the tuition.»
However, parental
choice involves more
than just
vouchers.
He notes that, although few studies have examined the impact of
choice on public school students, most every finding to date suggests that
vouchers, rather
than adversely affecting students who are «left behind» in public schools, actually lead to gains for public and private school students.
Their budget proposal would slash the Education Department's budget by more
than 13 percent, or $ 9 billion, while providing $ 1.25 billion for school
choice, including $ 250 million for private school
vouchers.2
These tax credit programs, sometimes referred to as «neovouchers» or back - door
vouchers, have received less public scrutiny
than vouchers, even as they currently comprise the largest private school
choice programs in numbers of students.
While more
than 13 schools have either launched or expanded school
voucher and tax credit programs in the past two years, efforts by National Education Association and American Federation of Teachers affiliates to shut them down, either by voter referendums (as in Florida) or through lawsuits, are reminders of the challenges to expanding
choice that remain.
«One thing is clear from Education Next's poll released today: despite the wording of the questions, when looking across the board at the dominant forms of educational
choice options like charter schools,
vouchers, and tax credit scholarships, this poll finds more support for these programs
than opposition.
But let's also assume many states have much more robust parental
choice programs
than they do now, with
vouchers, tax credit scholarships, charter schools, virtual schools, education savings accounts and a-la-carte course offerings all on the menu.
This requires «accountability» that truly prioritizes parent
choice rather
than a bait «n switch to reimpose mass political priorities, as current school
voucher programs do.
Chalkbeat School
choice supporters downplay new
voucher research, saying schools are more
than a test score
Tell that to the school
choice activists who have successfully passed
voucher measures in more
than 13 states, the children who attend the 1,091 new charter schools opened between 2010 and 2013, and families in cities such as Adelanto, Calif., who have taken over failing schools using Parent Trigger laws passed as a result of the competitive grant competition.
A Manhattan Institute study of a school
choice program in San Antonio found that
vouchers and other
choice opportunities help rather
than hurt the local public school system.
School «reform» in this country is well down a specific road, one that seeks to view the public school system as something of a business rather
than a civic institution and that promotes
choice in the form of charter schools,
vouchers, etc., as well as standardized tests as the key measurement of student achievement and teacher effectiveness.
Georgia would be expanding its educational
choice programs from the Georgia Special Needs Scholarship Program — a
voucher program with more
than 4,000 students participating in 2015 — 16 — and the Qualified Education Expense Tax Credit — a tax - credit scholarship with nearly 13,000 scholarships awarded in 2015 — into a universal educational
choice program.
Polls by the American Federation for Children, a pro-voucher group that DeVos helmed until she became Trump's nominee, show that American voters are significantly less likely to support «
vouchers»
than «
choice.»
While Friedman's free market philosophy has guided generations of business people and politicians, his views on education are less well known: The economist who advised Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher became interested in school
choice more
than six decades ago, long before charter schools and private school
vouchers became options.
These ideas —
choice, charter schools,
vouchers — have all gained a foothold to one degree or another in struggling urban districts across the country, including in DeVos» own home turf of Detroit, where more
than half of public school students now attend charter schools.
More
than 32,000 students in Indiana alone receive
vouchers to attend private schools of their
choice.
Targeted school
choice programs are inferior to broadbased ones because they do not build the most politically effective constituency for school
choice but, because targeted tax credits are self - reinforcing, they are much more likely
than targeted
vouchers to survive and thrive.
But at Hope, a parental
choice student
voucher school that is making a significant difference in the lives of students, families and their community, the stakes for these recruits are bigger
than a national basketball championship.
Even opponents of school
choice agree that tax credits are more viable
than vouchers.
As the pro-
voucher Friedman Foundation for Educational
Choice estimates, more
than 530,000 Indiana students — more
than half of the state's student population — already qualify for the program, referred to in many education circles as the nation's broadest
voucher program.
Comparing only state
choice programs that target low - income families or children in failing schools, tax - credit programs support nearly 3.5 times more students
than do
vouchers, using about the same amount of money.
Already, the Friedman Foundation for Educational
Choice estimates more
than 530,000 students — nearly half of Indiana's student population — are eligible for
vouchers.
People working on the school
choice issue also agree that tax credits are more legally viable
than vouchers.
A 2006 poll of leaders in the school
choice movement, conducted by myself and the Mackinac Center, showed that they prefer tax credits as well; although still low, their opposition to
vouchers is more
than double their opposition to tax credits.