A second false view is in degenerate modes of
civil religion which regard God as a patron and ally of Americanism in all its forms.
(ENTIRE BOOK) An examination of the two primary traditions — denominational biblical tradition and enlightenment utilitarianism — that worked together to contribute to the American Revolution and to create
the civil religion which marks American culture to this day.
Not exact matches
Title VII of the
Civil Rights Act of 1964,
which covers the subject of discrimination or harassment on the basis of race,
religion, sex or creed
a neo-progressive
civil religion, that of Franklin Roosevelt,
which is less a new dispensation than a more pragmatic version of Wilson's internationalism;
a Cold War
civil religion, of
which John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson's crusade in Vietnam was the chief expression and
which, contradicting John Quincy Adams, «positively required the United States to go abroad in search of monsters to destroy»;
Distinguished sociologist Peter Berger defends what he regards as American
civil religion, the first commandment of
which is (he says) «Thou shalt be tolerant!»
The Jewish organization alleges religious discrimination and unfair business competition, on the basis of several California statutes, including the state's
civil rights act,
which prohibits the refusal to engage in a business transaction on the basis of race, creed,
religion, color, national origin or sex.
Some, in recent decades, have turned to an analysis of «
civil religion,»
which at its best is the awareness that there are universalistic moral sensitivities
which have developed out of the American experience.
If we can see the connection between general
civil religion and virtue defined as concern for the common good, we can begin to see the connections between general
civil religion and special
civil religion, for special
civil religion defines the norms in terms of
which the common good is conceived.
It is that abstract faith, those abstract propositions to
which we are dedicated, that is the heart and soul of the
civil religion; but we can, of course, never forget the historical circumstances in
which those words originated — a revolutionary war of independence and a war to decide whether this nation would be slave or free.
But by 1961 the Supreme Court found itself having to acknowledge that «a sincere and meaningful belief
which occupies in the life of its possessor a place parallel to that filled by... God» in the life of others qualified as
religion in our
civil society.
It is also of importance to Muslims and people of other
religions and of none, as we think about the future of an American experience in
which civil tolerance and religious devotion are not enemies but allies.
I only hate the American
Civil Religion
which lumps together all
religions against all truth.
The
civil religion to
which we so blithely pay homage has, however, become deeply divided.
By
civil religion I refer to that religious dimension, found I think in the life of every people, through
which it interprets its historical experience in the light of transcendent reality.
In addition, Berns largely ignores the practice of the founding generation,
which accommodated a far more public role for the free exercise of
religion than the American
Civil Liberties Union now tolerates.
However, the doctrine that humans as rational and / or spiritual beings «have ends and loyalties beyond the state», community and nation to
which they belong, became part of the «
civil religion» or
civil culture,
which gave moral reinforcement to this whole process of democratization and secularization.
«Our country should be preserved from the dreadful evil of becoming enemies to the
religion of the Gospel,
which I have no doubt, but would be the introduction of the dissolution of government and the bonds of
civil society.»
Civil religion is religious because it is necessary that citizens be disposed to «love their duties,» and it is civil because its sentiments are those of «sociability, without which it is impossible to be either a good citizen or a faithful subject.&r
Civil religion is religious because it is necessary that citizens be disposed to «love their duties,» and it is
civil because its sentiments are those of «sociability, without which it is impossible to be either a good citizen or a faithful subject.&r
civil because its sentiments are those of «sociability, without
which it is impossible to be either a good citizen or a faithful subject.»
Here's the REALITY: There will NEVER be a world without
religion, so the best we can do is decide
which religions have shown that they can live in relative peace with others in a
civil society?
Ivan Vallier, Catholicism, Social Control, and Modernization in Latin America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ.: Prentice - Hall, 1970), p. 43, states a similar thesis although he refers not to
civil religion but to «a durable religio - moral foundation within
which political processes can be stabilized.»
In addition, the Puritan method of harmonizing politics and
religion led to institutional changes,
which in turn facilitated development of a
civil religion.
«17 Toward this end Sierra even drew up a list of American «saints,»
which included Washington and Lincoln from the north, Bolivar and Marti from the south, and Hidalgo and Juárez from Mexico.18 This group who controlled public education during the decades prior to the revolution clearly wanted to create a
civil religion.
His analysis of the Spanish
Civil War,
which captures the clash between
religion and politics, is exceptional.
Of concern is what has been called the «
civil religion»: those values
which are important to the maintenance of the state.
If morality as proclaimed by various
religions is denied a place at the policy table, then our nation will only be guided by those with a very cramped and limited moral view —
which would have been a disaster for abolition and
civil rights way back then — and would be no less a disaster today.
Civil religion — or, stated from one perspective, that liturgy
which gives form to the parochial gods of nationalism and capitalism — is a profound threat to the human personality, Harrington believes.
Instead, somewhat like Pope John Paul, Lincoln demanded that the principles of equality and liberty, the moral truths of human dignity
which form the Constitution's foundations, become the «
civil religion» of every citizen.
Disney's ethical dramas seem to serve the «
civil religion» of America,
which combines the strains of the Puritan theocrats and the republican Founding Fathers.
Moreover the preacher and the congregation do this in the midst of many other acts of mediation in
which they also participate, as they attend to
civil religion, propaganda, ideology, and mass media.
Reston's moral philosophy is rooted in a religious statement
which essentially is that of the
civil religion tradition.
Christianity was never our state
religion, nor did we have in Rousseau's strict sense a
civil religion, a simple set of religious dogmas to
which every citizen must subscribe on pain of exile.
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right,
which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «
civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between
religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.
The goal is to create a Public Philosophy or
Civil Culture, in
which insights of
religions, secular ideologies and social sciences are constantly brought into interaction and are tested for their relevance to humanize the contemporary forces of modernity
which have run amok.
They are seeking what has been called post-modern paradigms for «an open secular democratic culture» within the framework of a public philosophy (Walter Lippman) or
Civil Religion (Robert Bellah) or a new genuine realistic humanism or at least a body of insights about the nature of being and becoming human, evolved through dialogue among renascent
religions, secularist ideologies including the philosophies of the tragic dimension of existence and disciplines of social and human sciences
which have opened themselves to each other in the context of their common sense of historical responsibility and common human destiny.
Too complicated to be identified with Shintõ alone, the halo of symbols and slogans and emotions
which congealed around Japan in those years would better be denoted by some more general term such as «
civil religion.»
The sense in
which the pre - or sub-Christian
religions are
civil religions is somewhat different and necessitates the application of still another concept, adapted from the language of music, of the «religious ground base.»
Federal judges, as Albanese puts it, «rode circuit with the gospel of the
civil religion and preached sermons in
which the Constitution, its virtue and its promise, figured prominently.
In dealing with the religious dimension of American political life I borrowed the notion of «
civil religion» from Rousseau and showed the extent to
which a rather articulated set of religious beliefs and practices had grown up in the American polity that was independent from though not necessarily hostile to the various church
religions that flourish in America.9 In applying the notion to Italy it becomes important to realize that all five
religions are
civil religions.
It is this rather special case for
which Phillip Hammond wishes to reserve the designation «
civil religion.
Then, after a few months, at best only three years, of a public career in
which He was hailed by a crowd
which proved fickle and had won the adherence of a coterie of men and women who did not fully understand Him, He ran afoul of the leaders of the organized
religion of His people, was accused by them of fomenting rebellion against the
civil government, that of Rome, and was crucified by the order of the local representative of that government.
Gramsci does not mention that in the Discourses Machiavelli expresses an admiration for the
religion of the ancient Romans, a truly «
civil religion» relative to
which he found Christianity largely impotent politically.
But clearly the prime example of conscious manipulation is modern Japanese
civil religion, composed of the modern emperor system and its pervasive ideological influence, of
which state Shintõ was only a part.
Among them were pantheism and the positions that human reason is the sole arbiter of truth and falsehood and good and evil; that Christian faith contradicts reason; that Christ is a myth; that philosophy must be treated without reference to supernatural revelation; that every man is free to embrace the
religion which, guided by the light of reason, he believes to be true; that Protestantism is another form of the Christian
religion in
which it is possible to be as pleasing to God as in the Catholic Church; that the
civil power can determine the limits within
which the Catholic Church may exercise authority; that Roman Pontiffs and Ecumenical Councils have erred in defining matters of faith and morals; that the Church does not have direct or indirect temporal power or the right to invoke force; that in a conflict between Church and State the
civil law should prevail; that the
civil power has the right to appoint and depose bishops; that the entire direction of public schools in
which the youth of Christian states are educated must be by the
civil power; that the Church should be separated from the State and the State from the Church; that moral laws do not need divine sanction; that it is permissible to rebel against legitimate princes; that a
civil contract may among Christians constitute true marriage; that the Catholic
religion should no longer be the
religion of the State to the exclusion of all other forms of worship; and «that the Roman Pontiff can and should reconcile himself to and agree with progress, liberalism and modern civilization.»
They are mass marketing a
civil religion,
which to be successful means targeting the lowest common denominator.
The use of such expressions as «a private matter» and «between God and me» suggests that his Catholicism, however sincere, has been considerably attenuated by Canada's
civil religion,
which, following Jean - Jacques Rousseau's, will brook no dissent, particularly from those whose faith entails obedience to something beyond the socially - sanctioned quest for autonomy.
But burning the flag gains neither converts nor an increased commitment to the
civil religion for
which the flag stands.
«The international community must press the Government of Iran to uphold this constitutional obligation, and to respect the right of its citizens to the full enjoyment of freedom of
religion or belief, as outlined in the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, to
which it is signatory.»
Under the prophetic influence
religion took on a new character
which was reflected both in the organized cult and in the formulation of
civil as well as moral and cultic laws.
It is this
which the contented churchmanship of the eighteenth century seemed to fail to realize — one thinks of such amusing illustrations as Adam Smith's discussion of the ministry in England and Scotland on the basis of its economic status 3 or the even more startling defense of diversity of orders in the Church by Archdeacon Paley on the ground that it «may be considered as the stationing of ministers of
religion in the various ranks of
civil life.»