American
civil religion with its tradition of openness, tolerance, and ethical commitment might make a contribution to a world civil religion that would transcend and include it.
American
civil religion with its tradition of openness, tolerance, and ethical commitment might make a contribution to a world civil religion that would transcend and include the improvements in that lack of civility.
God is not on America's side; Christians who think so are seriously mistaken, for they confuse
civil religion with true Christianity.
What was particularly distressing to me was the almost inveterate tendency in some quarters to identify what I called
civil religion with the idolatrous worship of the state.
The North American experience has taught us that it's only too easy to confound
civil religion with Christian faith, thus undermining the Church's loyalty to Christ's kingdom.
Not exact matches
It's true we're Muslims and our
religion is Islam, but we don't mix our
religion with our politics and our economics and our social and
civil activities — not any more We keep our
religion in our mosque.
History s repleat however
with wars and
civil strife caused by
religion.
To participate effectively in a constitutive dialogue carried on in the venue of the courts, one must be a member of the priestly class of our
civil religion: a lawyer or someone
with a large measure of legal knowledge.
Since when has the Catholic church concerned itself
with any other
civil rights besides the right of people to be deceived by
religion?
Because, according to Don Paolo, Christmas is now «a fairy tale from the nativity scene
with lullabies and bagpipes, the exclusive support of a capitalist and consumerist economy, transforming the whole of Christianity into
civil religion.»
Homebrew laws have failed to materialize for the past five years,
with religion and morality arguments narrowly beating out the estimated 5,000 underground homebrewers in the state who say their
civil liberties are on the line.
The birth of the idea of
civil society in dissenting Protestantism
with its notions of covenanting and «federal liberty,» while historically irretrievable, ought to caution us against dismissing the significance of
religion to
civil society.
Varieties of
Civil Religion, a collection of essays published in that year by Phillip Hammond and myself, turned out to be my swan song with respect to civil reli
Civil Religion, a collection of essays published in that year by Phillip Hammond and myself, turned out to be my swan song
with respect to
civil reli
civil religion.
The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination, shall forever hereafter be guaranteed; and no person shall be denied any
civil or political right, privilege or capacity, on account of his opinions concerning
religion; but the liberty of conscience hereby secured shall not be construed to dispense
with oaths or affirmations, excuse acts of licentiousness or justify practices inconsistent
with the good order, peace or safety of the state.
This fundamental function of general
civil religion could be carried out by churches that remained indifferent to the special
civil religion embodied in such documents as the Declaration of Independence and bound up
with the history of the American nation, but most American religious groups have been able to affirm both general and special
civil religion as well as their own doctrinal peculiarities.
We should not assume, however, that all Americans from the seventeenth century on have been quite so inclusive
with respect to general
civil religion.
Fundamentalist Islam is at war
with the West and its values of intellectual and
civil freedom and democracy — and it actually takes advantage of those liberties to advance its Jihad «holy war» by using tax breaks for
religions to erect edifices or get subsidies for large Muslim families that are used to sway Western democracies, and, yes, suing for the right even to build a fundamentalist mosque at Ground Zero.
The National Prayer Breakfast, now in its fiftieth year, has been mainly a Protestant affair,
with more recent overlappings into the interreligious and generalized
civil religion.
Your
religion has nothing to do
with my
civil marriage to begin
with.
Niebanck says this established
religion should not be confused
with «
civil religion.»
He finds current expressions of both to be internally divisive as well as at odds
with each other, usually based on a conservative / liberal split that weakens the effectiveness of both «
civil religions,» and leaves the way open for secular ideologies including material success, radical individual freedom, and an amoral pragmatism.
As Bellah noted in his initial essay on the subject,
civil religion in America seems to function best when it apprehends «transcendent religious reality... as revealed through the experience of the American people»; yet the growing interdependence of America
with the world order appears to «necessitate the incorporation of vital international symbolism into our
civil religion» (Beyond Belief [Harper & Row, 1970], pp. 179, 186).
The two
civil religions correspond in a general way
with the ambivalent character of the state in American society.
«The trouble
with this approach, of course, is that despite the veneer of
civil religion, most people in America aren't worried about whether they break one of the Ten Commandments now and then, and they certainly don't see the logic behind the claim that infractions of that sort warrant everlasting damnation.
Here's the REALITY: There will NEVER be a world without
religion, so the best we can do is decide which
religions have shown that they can live in relative peace
with others in a
civil society?
As and atheist, I am concerned
with the influence
religion has on the general public, specifically when it comes to women's rights,
civil rights, gay rights, and the like.
Having reviewed some of the features of Mexico that explain why no Rousseau - type
civil religion is found there, one might be inclined to dismiss the finding
with a «What did you expect?»
More pertinent to
civil religion is the great influence Comte and Spencer exercised
with Mexican public educators.
It was one of Max Weber's great insights that while «every...
religion must, in similar measure and for similar reasons experience tension
with the sphere of political behavior,»
religions differ in how they deal
with this tension.108 Innerworldly asceticism has an edge, at least when it comes to the development of a
civil religion.
If morality as proclaimed by various
religions is denied a place at the policy table, then our nation will only be guided by those
with a very cramped and limited moral view — which would have been a disaster for abolition and
civil rights way back then — and would be no less a disaster today.
Afrikaner nationalists recognized this fact and replaced the Calvinist elements
with a vague
civil religion.
When these worldview differences are aligned
with other social distinctions — such as economic class, race, region or
religion — competition can turn from
civil politics to cultural war.
Handy suggested that since the Victorian period, Protestants had confused a
civil religion — the hope of Christianizing America —
with Christian faith.
This resulted in a quasi-established Protestant church combined
with a strong sense of national destiny — in a word,
civil religion.
The crowning irony of this irony - filled era Marty effectively saves for the book's climax: this age filled
with ecumenical rhetoric was also a great age of
civil religion; hence
with World War I, warfare became the great ecumenical event.
John,
civil rights do in fact matter to me... and once again,
civil marriage has nothing to do
with anyone's
religion.
Second, we must understand and emphasize the universalistic aspects of American
civil religion in order to reckon
with the pluralism of world power; we can not assume that American culture is simply generalizable to the rest of the world.
In suggesting that there are two forms of
civil religion, the priestly and the prophetic, Martin Marty judged that the former was exemplified in Nixon's White House worship services and alliance
with Billy Graham, the latter by Senator Mark Hatfield's criticism of America's involvement in Vietnam at a presidential prayer breakfast.
I would disagree
with Marty — I think Senator Hatfield's remarks were not an expression of prophetic
civil religion but rather a criticism of
civil religion from the standpoint of a vigorous evangelical Protestant witness.
Another reason to for Americans to embrace the political wisdom of our Founders in prohibiting the establishment of a
civil religion, especially
with the challenge of theocratic fundamentalism coming from many Red State Christians.
More neutral terms such as «political
religion» or «
religion of the republic» or «public piety» would not have churned up the profound empirical ambiguities «
civil religion,»
with its two thousand years of historical resonance, inevitably did.
The founders of this republic had read most of those theorists and were concerned
with the problem, even though they did not use the term.2 The difficult arises because for most of those two thousand years there has been a profound antipathy, indeed an utter incompatibility, between
civil religion and Christianity.
The marginality of the American
civil religion is closely connected
with the liberal side of our heritage and its most important expression, the Constitution.
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives
with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships
with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation
with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing
with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «
civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between
religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.
«It may not be easy, in every possible case, to trace the line of separation between the rights of
religion and the
Civil authority
with such distinctness as to avoid collisions and doubts on unessential points.
But he scored in 1967
with a well - timed and now classic essay on
civil religion in America.
There just be a chance for a better chance of tempering «justice»
with mercy in this Nation where «Christianity» [actually churchianity] has become the de facto
civil religion.
It may be worth noting that all
religions and secular ideologies reckon
with the two levels of morality - the perfectionist ethic of love and the imperfect ethic of moral and enforced
civil laws.
Wanda, The religious right want to mix
religion with politics to further their agenda — creationism taught as science, public displays of their religious symbols on
civil buildings,
civil law based upon their interpretation of the bible, etc. etc..
Too complicated to be identified
with Shintõ alone, the halo of symbols and slogans and emotions which congealed around Japan in those years would better be denoted by some more general term such as «
civil religion.»