Nick Robinson thinks Alan Johnson will be missed: «Alan Johnson was picked for the job because the former postman who rose to be his union's leader and then a cabinet minister could connect with the working
class voters Labour had lost touch with and yet was a Blairite who worried about government spending too much.
Not exact matches
This is worth bearing in mind when you see the countless vox - pop interviews with working
class voters who used to support
Labour, saying they feel the party's MPs are nothing like them.
She challenged analysis that talked up
Labour success at the election pointing out that the Conservatives piled on
voters in many northern seats that had voted Leave, among older
voters and among the working
class.
While senior
Labour politicians seem to feel comfortable speaking to pro-EU middle -
class voters who have seen the visible gains of EU membership, they have little to say to Eurosceptic working -
class voters who have suffered on the other end.
Nuttall was elected Ukip leader in a landslide victory yesterday, and immediately vowed to «replace the
Labour party and make Ukip the voice of patriotic Britain» by targeting working
class voters.
Whether it was the people of the North East rejecting politicians plundering their earnings to pay for white elephant vanity projects, working
class voters rejecting apparently over-generous welfare arrangements for EU migrants, or left leaning
Labour voters rejecting the supposed excesses of the capitalist system, fairness lies at the heart of British anger.
It is safe
Labour territory, but even here Ukip is expected to capitalise on strong support among working
class voters in the C2DE category to come in second, ahead of the Conservatives.
Labour lost because they: a) broke manifold electoral promises b) lied shamelessly to the people and parliament c) engaged in industrial - scale corruption and lame cover - up d) wilfully enraged their newest supporters e) eschewed democracy at every opportunity f) treated the electorate like idiots g) alienated a vast constituency of
voters with strong personal interest in the well - being of our servicemen h) inherited the most benign of economies and recklessly maxed out the public debt i) devoted inordinate time and effort to policies based on immature
class war antics j) engaged in open internal dissent while being too cowardly to take any definitive action k) offered a wholly negative electoral campaign Unless confidence is restored in these areas,
Labour will continue to be despised.
Voters weren't asked to conceive of the
Labour Party as a direct representation of working -
class interests in aggregate — politics became about choosing which group of elites offered the best deal to you as an individual.
But we need to see UKIP in their proper context: firstly, they are a minority party and will stay there; secondly, they are growing in working
class areas where the
Labour Party's cultural shift left have lost longstanding
voters.
As an immediate response to
Labour's losing a considerable number of those middle -
class voters, Tony Blair and his close aides, such as Peter Mandelson and David Miliband attacked Ed Miliband for ditching their policy of aspiration.
Given
Labour's apparent new pro-Europeanism, I'd suggest amending this approach so that it increasingly emphasises the values and interests of working
class voters.
For middle
class voters to be backing the
Labour manifesto isn't a total shock - it protected 95 % of people from tax rises whilst spending big on schools and the NHS - but for them to vote for Corbyn is a much bigger deal.
It's undoubtedly a reason why the lower middle
class flocked to the Conservatives in 2015 and it's a reason why working
class voters are continuing to haemorrhage from the
Labour party.
Labour has always been a broad church, but a move towards the liberal attitudes of its metropolitan
voters has in turn alienated a working
class with genuine social concerns.
While Nigel Farage and his lieutenants have invested considerable resources in terms of pavement politics in the working -
class midlands and north - east, they still have considerable difficulty attracting the support of younger and urban
voters — precisely the electoral tranche
Labour is now pursuing.
Unless Miliband could present the public with a bigger and more inspiring message, Axelrod told him, it would be impossible to regain the support of the white working -
class voters who were deserting the
Labour party.
Bluntly, your hope is that an issue that matters to you and to many educated middle -
class people (but not to most
Labour voters, who may well regard the idea in the same way as many Conservatives, as a way to give unfair influence to Liberal Democrats), electoral reform, is important enough to form an electoral alliance over, despite the fact this would leave many party members unable to vote (and who would get to stand in say Durham or Redcar anyway?).
(The fact that this is often said by people who both regard themselves as working
class and voted Conservative at the last election probably says as much about the strength of the
Labour brand as it does about the caprice of
voters).
These
voters perceive
Labour to be close to benefit claimants, trade unions, and immigrants, but distant from homeowners, the middle
class, and people in the south.
In other words, he tends to be precisely the left - behind
voter who was once solidly
Labour but who now feels economically insecure — and abandoned by
Labour's middle -
class, cosmopolitan and liberal values.
These are fine intellectual pedigrees, but they are not the full story of socialism in Britain by any means, especially among working -
class Labour voters.
Certainly,
Labour constituencies see fairly high levels of UKIP support (notably at the recent Heywood & Middleton by - election), suggesting there is credence to the argument that
Labour is losing its disaffected traditional and typically working
class voters to UKIP.
More subtly, for a number of reasons (including to a greater or lesser extent, Brexit)
Labour has generally been gaining votes from the young and those in high social
class jobs and areas which voted remain in 2016, while losing votes from older
voters, those in lower social
class occupations and those who voted leave.
Approximately 161
Labour - held constituencies voted to Leave the EU, while only 70 voted to Remain, and C1 C2 DE (lower middle -
class and working -
class)
voters all delivered majorities for Leave.
The idea that UKIP are picking up old
Labour supporters is also not supported by evidence on the social
class of their intended
voters.
It seems likely that the one - third of
Labour voters from the last general election who want to leave the EU are disproportionately drawn from the
Labour party's historic — but increasingly perilous — working -
class base, and there is little doubt that these economic concerns are a major explanation for their dissatisfaction.
He quotes the BBC's political research editor, David Cowling, on the subject of working
class voters voting for parties other than
Labour:
Electorally,
Labour also stands to lose most from pursuing such a xenophobic line as it will alienate ethnic minority
voters who are a major component of the most deprived sections of the working
class, and are a core constituency of its support in most metropolitan areas.
In parts of old industrial Lancashire and Yorkshire, Ukip are beginning to pick the votes of disaffected working
class voters, especially the low paid and low skilled workers who feel left behind by
Labour.
Great article but: «A significant section of working
class labour voters are still not convinced on freedom of movement.
The referendum result has exacerbated the theme of a developing fissure in
Labour's traditional coalition of urban, liberal - minded and professional
voters and former industrial working
class communities.
The former shadow education minister Tristram Hunt had a decidedly mixed 2015, but he recently talked pretty powerfully at the Fabian Society about the politics of inequality,
Labour's frayed bond with working -
class voters and the necessity of reinventing the party's belief in redistribution.
In poorer northern England urban seats such as Redcar and Hull, disaffected working -
class voters deserted the Lib Dems as the local opposition to
Labour, opting instead for Ukip.
I've previously written about the drift of working
class voters to UKIP and argued that, whilst in the short - term it would harm the Tories more than
Labour, it was a serious longer - term threat to
Labour.
And make no mistake, a significant section of working
class labour voters are still not convinced on freedom of movement.
The aspirational
voters of suburban England — middle -
class seats with falling unemployment and rising incomes — swung behind the Cameron - Osborne «long - term economic plan», while Ukip surged in seats with large concentrations of poorer, white working -
class English nationalists, many of whom sympathised with
Labour's economic message but not the people delivering it.
A majority in the
Labour movement believe the party lost the election because its traditional core supporters decided not to vote
Labour, not because middle
class swing
voters went to other parties.
It has been a focus of «Yes» activity and has many of the
Labour - voting working
class voters nationalists need in order to win.
In this weekend's poll, the Tories enjoy a seven point lead among middle -
class voters, while
Labour is nine points ahead among working
class voters
Straw says
Labour lost working -
class voters to Ukip and was complacent in thinking that Nigel Farage's party would damage the Tories most.
Holding swing
voters will be in vain if
Labour has not also got its working
class support to the polls, and reconnected with disillusioned left - liberals.
In the House magazine interview two months ago, Mr McGinn accused left - wing politicians of «sneering» at the public and warned Mr Corbyn that
Labour is losing touch with working
class voters.
The initial
Labour reaction to the success of UKIP at attracting working
class voters in many areas has focussed on the right policy response.
Some working
class Labour voters are also reportedly returning to the red column as anger over the 10p tax band diminshes.
We now represent a swathe of seats in university towns where middle
class Labour voters were won over by our policy on tuition fees and our uncompromising internationalism on Iraq.
Labour is a party that has alienated a large body of working
class voters, and though it wants in principle to build up its working
class membership and its proportion of working
class candidates, it is much less willing to offer policies bold enough to win working
class voters back.
I was there on the ground and was amazed at how much of their vote seemed to be coming from working and lower middle
class voters, eurosceptic and socially conservative people, many of whom will have voted
Labour at some point in the near past.
It comes as
Labour takes the lead in the independence debate following research suggesting the swing toward the «Yes» camp comes mainly from working
class Labour voters.
Writing for the left - wing newspaper, Dugher warns that
Labour is facing a «meltdown» in credibility among working
class voters unless it acknowledges the downsides of mass EU immigration.