Sentences with phrase «class voters from»

That he would seek to win back working class voters from the SNP by pursuing a xenophobic anti-English defence of the Scottish nation?

The decision to campaign as Better Together in conjunction with the Coalition parties alienated large numbers of working class voters from Scottish Labour.The lack of a «more devolution» option polarised working class opinion though that option was effectively revived in «the vow «agreed between the Westminster parties last month.

Not exact matches

From Patten's perspective, Trump's economic message on free trade and on jobs will resonate with all - important middle - class swing state voters.

One of the themes that emerges from Shattered (a chronicle of the Clinton campaign) is that the Clinton operation didn't want to make a strong play for working - class white voters in swing states.

Bishop Azariah of Dornakal, in theologically justifying the rejection of the reserved minority communal electorate offered by Britain to the Christian community in India, spoke of how the acceptance of it would be «a direct blow to the nature of the church of Christ» at two points — one, it would force the church to function «like a religious sect, a community which seeks self - protection for the sake of its own loaves and fishes» which would prevent the fruitful exercise of the calling of the church to permeate the entire society across boundaries of caste, class, language and race, a calling which can be fulfilled only through its members living alongside fellow - Indians sharing in public life with a concern for Christian principles in it; and two, it would put the church's evangelistic programme in a bad light as «a direct move to transfer so many thousands of voters from the Hindu group to the Indian Christian group» (recorded by John Webster, Dalit Christians - A History).

While it can never be fair to will that members of a disfavored class - whether the unborn, the disabled, or members of some racial or religious minority group - be excluded from legal protections one wills for oneself and those dear to one, a legislator or voter is personally responsible for no unfairness to the victims of an objectively unjust law where he supports that law precisely, and only, because the alternative is even less protective of its victims.

In NAACP v. Harris, a class - action, Blacks argued that over 57,000 Black voters were wrongfully purged from Florida's voting lists and that Black communities were provided with defective voting mechanisms.

This proposal will also completely disenfranchise the majority of working class and middle class voters, and empower those who will be utterly alienated from the consequences of exploiting them.

While UKIP has few / no MPs it is not unreasonable to say that they have taken votes away from the Conservative party in recent years and potential UKIP voters are seen by many as key in some marginal constituencies especially in «working class» areas where many voters are socially to the right and economically to the left.

«Also the kind of voters he appeals to — white, working - class, many Catholic voters, not college educated — are just the voters Mitt Romney must have to try to pull the election away from Barack Obama.

For middle class voters to be backing the Labour manifesto isn't a total shock - it protected 95 % of people from tax rises whilst spending big on schools and the NHS - but for them to vote for Corbyn is a much bigger deal.

It's undoubtedly a reason why the lower middle class flocked to the Conservatives in 2015 and it's a reason why working class voters are continuing to haemorrhage from the Labour party.

As I wrote before the election, speaking with Americans gave me the impression that voter turnout could put Trump in the White House; it seemed that an increase in white, working class Republican votes together with a decrease in Democrat voters from parts of President Obama's support base could tip the result Trump's way.

By attempting to secure the votes of forgotten working - class voters, UKIP risks alienating its core middle - class supporters from the south east of England — who remain attached to the party's libertarian agenda.

Democratic insiders say Nixon's chances are still slim, but especially so if she doesn't make inroads with crucial black voters, a bloc from which Cuomo has enjoyed healthy support in recent years and with whom progressives like Bernie Sanders failed to garner support with their more class - focused economic populist messages.

But it is equally important to win support from SNP voters in Scotland and UKIP supporters in working class parts of England.

These voters perceive Labour to be close to benefit claimants, trade unions, and immigrants, but distant from homeowners, the middle class, and people in the south.

More subtly, for a number of reasons (including to a greater or lesser extent, Brexit) Labour has generally been gaining votes from the young and those in high social class jobs and areas which voted remain in 2016, while losing votes from older voters, those in lower social class occupations and those who voted leave.

It seems likely that the one - third of Labour voters from the last general election who want to leave the EU are disproportionately drawn from the Labour party's historic — but increasingly perilous — working - class base, and there is little doubt that these economic concerns are a major explanation for their dissatisfaction.

We are beginning to lose noyt onl; y working class voters to ~ UKIP and abstention, but radical voters, including those who switched from the Lib Dems, to the Greens.

Electorally, Labour also stands to lose most from pursuing such a xenophobic line as it will alienate ethnic minority voters who are a major component of the most deprived sections of the working class, and are a core constituency of its support in most metropolitan areas.

Sarkozy, a fan of George W Bush, reportedly did not choose the name to copy the US, but rather because his pollsters advised him that acronyms had fallen from favour among voters who are increasingly distrustful of the political class.

Some of the more conspiracy theory - minded members of New York's political class wondered what the governor was up to, and if he was hoping to confuse voters and dilute the WFP vote — potentially bumping the labor - backed party from its hard - fought position on Row D, or even perhaps robbing it of ballot status altogether.

The recent book Revolt on the Right (co-written by Robert Ford) showed that Ukip draw their support from a very clear demographic: the «left - behind» electorate of older, working - class white voters with few educational qualifications.

On the occasions when Ukip's vote increases dramatically (such as in European elections) their new or temporary voters are more likely to be middle - class, financially secure and from Conservative backgrounds.

Aside from lowering the voting age by a year, the bill would also require all pupils in the ninth grade or higher to receive at least eight full class periods of civics education and mandate that every New York high school provide each student with a voter registration form the year they turn 17.

«I've been knocking on doors to speak with voters about issues facing middle class families, from creating jobs to improving our transportation and infrastructure.

Voters here are demanding working class representation from someone who has survived a few North Country winters and knows the problems we face every day.»

The admission that middle - class benefits are facing the chop will anger many elderly voters, who thought they had an assurance from the Tory leader that their benefits would be safe.»

Established media, state radio and tv and the political class had only a walk - on role in forcing the referendum which they collectively opposed: it was the victory by UKIP in a national election (the 2014) European Elections), social media, youtube and the spreading of the message even when it was kept away from the voters by the elite that did the job.

Voters sprinkled across the vast Adirondacks and environs «are demanding working class representation from someone who has survived a few North Country winters and knows the problems we face every day,» she said, an evident dig at Stefanik's Albany area roots.

In the tradition of Jacob Javits, Robert Wagner and Herbert Lehman — and in contrast to Charles Schumer, the Senate Democrats» de facto chief national electoral strategist, who has devoted much of his public - facing energy to aggressively nonideological battles for middle - class swing voters — Kirsten Gillibrand is going to be the liberal Senator from New York.

«Our coalition galvanized voters across a broad ideological spectrum to rise up and oppose a corrupt process that would enrich Albany's political class while leaving the rest of us behind,» said a statement from New Yorkers Against Corruption, the coalition that urged a «no» vote.

I was there on the ground and was amazed at how much of their vote seemed to be coming from working and lower middle class voters, eurosceptic and socially conservative people, many of whom will have voted Labour at some point in the near past.

It comes as Labour takes the lead in the independence debate following research suggesting the swing toward the «Yes» camp comes mainly from working class Labour voters.

Cuomo said Democrats failed to articulate a vision for the middle class and, from a voter perception standpoint, focused too heavily on the poor.

In making his pitch for Paid Family Leave and a $ 15 - an - hour minimum wage on Long Island today, Cuomo said voter anger in the presidential primaries comes from frustrated middle class voters who are dealing with stagnant wages and rising property taxes.

It would surely not be too difficult to devise a core voter strategy in Scotland which differentiated Labour from the SNP, which will prevent it appealing to «all classes, all communities, all parts of Scotland» as Alex Salmond rightly says the SNP has done this time — as they have been allowed to by Scottish Labour.

It is the latest sign that Labour is backing away from the «class war» strategy apparently adopted before Christmas which has alarmed middle class voters.

On television, commentators like Peter Kellner and Andrew Marr were quick to advise that Labour return to the «successful» Blairite New Labour formula with a stronger pro-business orientation, a distancing from the unions and working - class voters and an alignment with the (largely mythical) Middle England.

Ukip stressed it had also taken votes from Labour, notably from what it terms «the left - behinds» — older working - class voters.

It follows research by the Institute for Fiscal Studies making it clear that those who benefit most from cutting inheritance tax are not the working class voters who Nuttall has claimed to champion.

The fallout from that mistake was clear last week: in the haemorrhage of votes to the Scottish National party, Ukip and the Greens, and the reluctance of many working - class voters to turn out at all.

Speaking from the Midlands, where the Tories became the biggest party in Walsall and made gains in Dudley, Jess Phillips, the MP for Birmingham Yardley, said the party has to address issues of concern for white working - class voters in industrial areas who appear to have switched from Ukip to the Tories.

There is also anger that Miliband focused too much on policy rather than projecting an empathy with voters» sense of alienation from the political class.

I think in fairness to Steve Hart, Unite's strategy makes union backed candidates from a broader social background part of their political strategy, but certainly not the end of it: At the Unite meeting at Labour Conference, Jon Trickett & Len McCluskey made the case for Unite & Labour developing MP's from down to earth backgrounds, but linked this very much to having policies that adress the needs of working class voters: The Unite strategy is fairly broad, including recruitng union members to Labour, developing MP's (who as McCluskey are backed because they «reflect the values of the union movement» — rather than just being from a particular social class), and supporting the CLASS think tank to develop policy — I did a write up of this meeting for the Morning Star (and a rival Progress one), which may be of interest (I think it will appear if you click on my name)

the views of working class voters, we needed to get back from UKIP were socially Conservative, against Neo liberalism and EU sceptic, the views of Maurice Glasman's Blue Labour, Glasman in the Mail on Sunday http://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-3693947/We-crisis-new-party-doomed-says-leading-Labour-peer-LORD-GLASMAN.html has now said a break away party would be a mistake.

Data from YouGov suggest working class voters have surged to the Conservatives and now favour Mrs May's party by 43 per cent to 40 per cent - compared to a Labour lead of 46 - 35 in January.

UKIP supporters are in many respects not traditional Conservatives - they are more working class and more disaffected from mainstream politics than typical Tory voters.

Between 1997 and 2010, for every voter Labour lost from the professional classes it lost three unskilled or unemployed workers, even after taking into account the declining share of the population that pollsters classify as working - class.