I dove deeply into this here, riffing off of an academic paper
comparing economic outcomes between terms when D's or R's controlled the White House.
Not exact matches
The properly measured
economic return to community college has to take into account the counterfactual
outcomes that entrants would face in the absence of community college, rather than
compare community college entrants to students who enter university programs after high school.
Not surprisingly, NERA shows far superior
economic outcomes for this scenario, with U.S. GDP decreasing by half of one percentage point
compared to a no - policy scenario in 2025.
First,
economic uncertainty has risen as U.S. stimulus and trade policy actions have broadened the range of possible
outcomes compared with 2017.
For the purposes of this
economic evaluation, the forms were initially used in a related study funded by the National Institute of Health Research (NIHR) research for patient benefit programme «assessing the impact of a new birth centre on choice and
outcome of maternity care in an inner city area,» which will be reported in full elsewhere,
comparing the costs of care in a free standing midwifery unit with care in an obstetric unit in the same trust.16 The data collected included details of staffing levels, treatments, surgeries, diagnostic imaging tests, scans, drugs, and other resource inputs associated with each stage of the pathway through intrapartum and after birth care.
Because the trial found no differences in the effect of type of care on any primary clinical
outcome, the
economic analysis
compares only the costs of care rather than their cost - effectiveness.
When we say comparable, we mean broadly the same
outcome so that the tax consequences of pooling does not distort the
economic or social decision to pool the land because the tax cost of doing so is higher when
compared to the tax consequences of adopting the traditional route.
The same genotypes yield better or worse
economic outcomes compared to one's sibling, depending on parental income, according to a new study by a University of Kansas researcher.
«By
comparing the
outcomes of compliant and non-compliant counties, we can determine how the stringency of environmental regulation affects both
economic output and environmental damages.»
Drawing on data from the Baltimore School System, they calculate the value of summer learning at different educational stages and
compare outcomes for children of different
economic backgrounds.
By
comparing fourth - grade literacy
outcomes against the experiences and inputs that produced these results — including indicators of health - care and preschool access, family
economic well - being, mental - health and child - welfare services, nutrition, and comprehensive school quality — we can identify gaps in how we are serving children and target investments and reforms to those areas with the greatest potential to improve children's long - term life
outcomes.
The conference will consider approaches to identify, measure, value and
compare environmental, social and
economic impacts, building upon
outcomes and recommendations from last year's event.
In studies of sequencing per se, declines in income have been found to be associated with poorer developmental
outcomes.6 13 27 Furthermore,
economic fluctuations seem especially consequential for children living in poverty, 6 22 and it has been suggested that
economic fluctuations may pose even greater risks to development
compared with disadvantaged, but stable,
economic circumstances.28
In
comparing the birth cohorts from 1958 and 1970 we investigate whether differences in the relationship between indicators of childhood disadvantage and development and adult health
outcomes for these two cohorts are evidential, given the changes in health policy and provision and in social, demographic and
economic conditions in Britain over the life course of these two birth cohorts.
The
economic analysis will use a cost consequences analysis from a government - as - payer perspective.66 It will
compare any additional costs experienced over the first 2 years of children's lives in the intervention group
compared with the usual care group, to the changes in the multiple
outcome measures at 2 years described in table 2.
In this article, we address this issue by examining the extent to which families participating in the Early Start program showed improved
outcomes in the areas of maternal health, family functioning, family
economic circumstances, and susceptibility to family stress,
compared with the
outcomes of a randomly assigned control group.
By
comparing outcomes for and experiences of children in households with higher and lower incomes it summarises what the study has revealed about inequalities up to age 8, explores whether there is any evidence that the socio -
economic gap has narrowed or widened in recent years and highlights some key messages from the study about to improve
outcomes for all children and to reduce inequalities.
The report, co-authored by Thomas DeLeire of the University of Wisconsin and Leonard M. Lopoo of Syracuse University,
compared the
economic mobility
outcomes for children who were born to single mothers, divorced parents, and continuously married parents.
However, analysis has also indicated that the experience of living in a lone parent family in early childhood (under the age of 5),
compared with later childhood, is especially linked with long - term negative
outcomes including psychological distress and
economic inactivity (Ermisch et al., 2004).
The Report noted that Indigenous Australians continue to experience significantly poorer health
outcomes compared to other Australians, as well as disparities in the social determinants of health such as housing, education, income, and
economic, political and social participation.
Comparing Mechanisms to Child
Outcomes from Long - Term
Economic Well - Being Measured with the Official Poverty Measure and the Supplemental Poverty Measure.