Sentences with phrase «conservative evangelical movement»

As a nonbeliever, there was a bit of a struggle over including covenant marriages — a type of marriage born out of the conservative evangelical movement that makes marriage harder to get into and out of — into The New I Do.

In light of the last few weeks, the American conservative evangelical movement as a whole has been exposed as theologically thin in its doctrine and historically eccentric in its priorities.

Not exact matches

-- Robertson is sinking the Conservative Evangelicals (though he is a «charismatic» version), and the church movement most closely associated with Robertson will undergo massive change or die.

Before the 1970s, evangelicals voted as often for Democrats as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.

In the case of the Emergent movement, I wonder if some of the additional cognitive dissonance comes from it moving away from Young Leaders, which (in my understanding) was primarily a group that was evangelical and relatively conservative theologically, and moving toward progressive Emergentism.

Like a lot of twenty - somethings who grew up in the conservative evangelical subculture, I've been increasingly drawn to the emerging church movement.

Those in the mainstream media who ignore these trends, or who simply place conservatives like Huckabee and Santorum in the traditional Religious Right frame, are missing a big story about the Republican Party, the evangelical movement in America, and my generation's response to both.

The fact that many theologically conservative evangelicals are also aligned with political conservatism — a movement which has developed strong Zionist sympathies — has helped to reinforce the idea that the Jews have a natural right to dwell in Israel.

David Hubbard, for example, in his taped remarks on the future of evangelicalism to a colloquium at Conservative Baptist Theological Seminary in Denver in 1977 noted the following areas of tension among evangelicals: women's ordination, the charismatic movement, ecumenical relations, social ethics, strategies of evangelism, Biblical criticism, Biblical infallibility, contextual theology in non-Western cultures, and the churchly applications of the behavioral sciences.2 If such a list is more exhaustive than those topics which this book has pursued, it nevertheless makes it clear that the foci of the preceding chapters have at least been representative.

It is now important especially to the gay rights movement, on the one hand, and to conservative evangelicals, on the other.

In an article he wrote in 1966 in Christianity Today (an Evangelical Journal), he spoke of what the ecumenical movement could learn from the conservative Evangelicals.

Balmer wrote his book, however, as an evangelical who wanted to recover what he considered to be the heart of the movement, which was its late - nineteenth - century coalition of conservative theology and progressive social activism around the poor, women, and ethnic minorities.

As a loose coalition of conservative Protestants, evangelicalism has always been a fragmented movement held together by a common mission, and by organizations such as the National Association of Evangelicals.

On the other hand leaders of the Bible school movement have been developing a theory of liberal arts education with the Bible at its center, and through an accrediting association have moved toward standardization and steady improvement of a program which seeks to synthesize conservative evangelical Christianity with a valid educational ideal.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

The various components, though, of a religious conservative movement in American public life must be defined clearly by their respective theological commitments, or we lose the Evangelical wing of this coalition.

As I mentioned in the last post, those of us raised in the conservative evangelical subculture during the apologetics movement of the 80s and 90s grew up with the charge to «always be ready to give an answer» in defense of the Christian faith.

I respect Van Engen's conservative word of caution, not that of an alarmist, but of an informed authentic mission practitioner, «In the twenty - first century Evangelical mission agencies are becoming increasingly committed and involved in humanitarian and compassion ministries, children - at - risk movements, and so on.

Author Matt Lewis is a conservative and evangelical who views Sarah Palin and Donald Trump as a kind of cancer in the conservative movement.

«These three states also have the highest numbers of conservative protestants (denominations diversely associated with fundamentalist, Pentecostal, charismatic, and evangelical religious movements) in the United States.

Yet the dramatic growth in the 1970s of schools within «conservative» Protestant religious movements led to a narrower definition: a «Christian school» is one that's affiliated with one of the conservative Protestant denominations, such as Southern Baptist and Lutheran Church - Missouri Synod, and, in general, with one of the dominant streams within conservative Protestantism — the evangelical, charismatic, fundamentalist, and Pentecostal religious movements.