The process of
equalising constituency sizes, and cutting the number of MPs from north of the border down from 59 to 52 in the process, has proved as fraught in Scotland as it did in England.
And it is chutzpah for a pro-FPTP party to talk about votes having an «equal value» if you equalise
constituency size in an electoral system where they do not.
Unfortunately, the decision to equalise
constituency sizes on the back of the current electoral roll prompted an angry response from Labour, which said black people and the young would be disproportionately affected.
This fixation with
equal constituency size upholds a vital democratic tenet of equal representation; but it also results in the confusions of the current Boundary Commission proposals.
The deal between Nick Clegg and David Cameron was that Tories would deliver an AV referendum and, in return, the Lib Dems would vote for
fair constituency sizes.
I don't think the process of
normalising constituency sizes is as big a thing as it seems, a «normal» boundary review (which would have been due anyway) would typically move some seats from Labour to Conservative due to the current trends of internal migration.
Conservatives accept their opposition to Lords reform could cost them another of the coalition's constitutional changes - the reduction in the size of the Commons from 650 to 600 MPs and equalisation
of constituency sizes.
Last summer I wrote this article on ConHome regarding the inevitable boundary review that would come about as a result of
equalising constituency sizes and reducing the number of MPs.
The Electoral Boundaries Review Committee, made up of five civil servants, redrew the electoral boundaries and changed
the constituency sizes again this election.
The Bill currently in parliament, equalising
constituency sizes and paving the way for a referendum on the voting system, is part of a package of measures including reform of the House of Lords, cleaning up party funding and lobbying and allowing voters to recall MPs.
All the detailed rules of the game, including the voting system, the timing of elections,
the constituency sizes and how by - elections are dealt with are included in this two - day section of the debate.
This election is likely to lead to a much messier hung parliament than in 2010, and
constituency sizes and turnout mean the Tories are likely to suffer the most
Subject to the vagaries of
constituency size, it gives each vote equal weight: the duke's vote is worth no more than the dustman's.
Boundaries and
constituency sizes are not important to the way the system works and do not affect the election result.
At issue was whether the costs of a Conservative campaign battlebus should have been accounted for by local campaigns where the legal spending limits are tighter at between about # 11,000 and # 16,000, depending on the size of the constituency
Labour appears to have been thrown into turmoil by the announcement, which mixed policies they campaigned on at the election with a more radical attempt to reduce the number of MPs in the Commons, equalise
constituency sizes, get rules on «no confidence» motions on the statute book and introduce an ability for parliament to dissolve parliament.
Many Tory backbenchers are also worried by
the constituency sizes which peers would be elected to, probably under proportional representation.
«Cameron promises protection of NHS budget, equalisation of
constituency size and for St George's flag to fly over Downing Street during World Cup Main Liberal Democrats may have to swallow higher tuition fees but only Tory MPs will have to vote for them»
First, the government is sticking with a maximum 5 % variance in
constituency size, above or below the average, which means a greater number of seats will change.
So, ensuring a greater equalisation of
constituency sizes (eg more frequent boundary reviews) is legitimate, even though it gives a small advantage to the Conservatives.