Sentences with phrase «constitutional conventions»

Four previous examples of constitutional conventions / citizens» assemblies were then evaluated against these criteria as options the UK could draw upon in the process of designing its own: Scotland (late 1980s), Iceland (2011), Canada (British Columbia 2004 and Ontario 2006) and Ireland (2012 - 14).

And now we have a more explicit outlining of an emerging new Tory constitutional doctrine in an extraordinary Guardian report on Tuesday — based on anonymous briefings from «senior shadow Cabinet members» — that the Conservatives intend to mount a partisan attack on existing constitutional conventions, and the Cabinet Secretary's protocols for handling a hung Parliament, even though a primary motivation for these has been to protect the Monarchy from being dragged into party political controversy.

Constitutional conventions like these would merely entail a discussion of the implications of a new constitutional settlement — which, however, would be ultimately devised by party elites, and not by the people.

My guess is that elected government would force the monarchy back into obeying the constitutional conventions, possibly by using martial force.

When the nation was established as a democratic republic, the people of the former English colonies, acting in their various constitutional conventions, transferred all governing power to their states and to the federal government, reserving for themselves only certain rights and powers they previously claimed to enjoy as subjects of the British Crown.

Those who are enamored of floating constitutional conventions are also the Energizer Bunnies of constitutional litigation.

What I will not do, I can tell you right now, is hold a bunch of constitutional conventions and meetings because nobody wants to go back to that era.

At the close of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, someone asked Ben Franklin: «have we got a Republic or a Monarchy?»

The title of Metaxas» latest book, If You Can Keep It (Viking), is a reference to Benjamin Franklin's response to a woman who asked him, as he left the Constitutional Convention in 1787, «Dr Franklin, what have you given us, a monarchy or a republic?»

«Unless the federal judiciary is to be a floating constitutional convention,» Noonan added, «a federal court should not invent a constitutional right unknown in the past and antithetical to the defense of human life that has been a chief responsibility of our constitutional government.»

He reported sarcastically that «there» were some members [at the Constitutional Convention] so unfashionable as to think that a belief of the existence of a Deity, and of a state of future rewards and punishments would be some security for the good conduct of our rulers, and that in a Christian country it would be at least decent to hold out some distinction between the professors of Christianity and downright infidelity or paganism» (IV: 642) This chapter also includes excerpts from state constitutions that imposed religious tests on government officers (Delaware, for example.

In 1787, at the age of eighty - one, Benjamin Franklin addressed the Constitutional Convention: «I have lived, Sir, a long time, and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth: that God governs in the affairs of men.

Franklin's words spoken on the last day of the Constitutional Convention and quoted above express the somewhat somber mood.

What that course was Franklin made clear in his speech on the very last day of the Constitutional Convention, September 17, 1787:

His proposal for a federal veto of state laws went down to defeat, and most dispiriting for him, his opponents in the Constitutional Convention won equal representation of the states in the Senate.

He would go on to become the most influential member of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, coauthor of The Federalist, the classic defense of that gathering's handiwork, and the primary sponsor of the Bill of Rights (which he viewed as a harmless palliative for such foes of the new regime as still remained).

The story has been told that, shortly after the constitutional convention in Philadelphia in 1787, a professor of theology at Princeton rebuked Alexander Hamilton because, in the document they drafted, the founders of the republic failed to espouse Christianity.

At the Constitutional Convention the delegates rejected a proposal that would give the federal government the right to issue corporate charters, the general view being that corporations were a dangerous institution leading to monopoly and, worse, aristocracy.

The proof of Franklin's piety is his oft - cited plea for prayer at the Constitutional Convention.

Imagine the reaction of the delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention if the justices had expressed these views to them.

The right - wing faction has promoted the school prayer amendment to the Consitituion and similar initiatives to declare America a «Christian nation;» it is workingintently to bring about a constitutional convention at which its representatives could propose curtailments of various freedoms; is drafting laws to confer official favor on specific religious establishments.

This right - wing faction has promoted the school prayer amendment to the Constitution and similar initiatives to declare America a «Christian nation»; it is working intently to bring about a constitutional convention at which its representatives could propose curtailments of various freedoms, is drafting laws to confer official favor on specific religious establishments.

He saw Providence in the almost impossible unanimity of the constitutional convention, which completed its work in 53 days.

It can be pointed out that this is a reckless kind of polity — allowing the Court to define the nature and scope of political power on an ad hoc basis, without benefit of the debates of a legislative assembly or a constitutional convention, and without the contest of facts typical of an ordinary trial court.

The campaigns for and against a constitutional convention may be only every 20 years, but spending by supporters and foes this year is on par with expenditures in a hotly contested election.

Opponents of holding a constitutional convention have over the last several weeks geared up their opposition to the coming referendum, arguing it could scale back gains made by organized labor, wreck the environment in he Adirondacks and be dominated by monied interest groups.

Setting out his plans for a British Constitutional Convention, Mr Clegg said: «It would examine the role and powers of parliament and ministers; the way in which parliament is elected and held to account; the relationships between the nations of the United Kingdom; the concentration of power in Whitehall; and the need to strengthen basic individual rights and liberties against the abuse of state power.»

Although the states» representatives to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia were only authorized to amend the Articles, the representatives held secret, closed - door sessions and wrote a new constitution.

In a letter posted on the Lib Dem website, Mr Clegg calls on Gordon Brown and David Cameron to cooperate on an independent British Constitutional Convention.

A Constitutional Convention would be one potential route towards that goal.

They'll never do that so it needs to come from the top down which means we really do need a constitutional convention.

At the other end of the spectrum, the Constitutional Convention decided to forbid the English practice of allowing the government to seize the entire estate of a person convicted of treason.

Scotland's Future proposes that a Constitutional Convention be held sometime after the first elections in 2016, following independence.

It remains to be seen whether or not these examples will be regarded in future as having established a constitutional convention» (§ 2.10).

«The structure of a Constitutional Convention allows for every part of the process to be dictated by the voting public,» Kolb wrote.

Looks like we need to have a Constitutional Convention in 2017 to work around the dirty money TEAPublicans led by Dirty John Flanagan!

But the only real response coming from the left to this simple Tory solution to an obvious and easily communicable grievance is largely represented by vague calls for a constitutional convention.

The mechanism for that could be amendment or Constitutional Convention or revolution, and is expressly mentioned in 39 of the states» constitutions.

By the way it has been considered and proposed several times at state level including, the Illinois State Constitutional Convention that was called in 1970.

Both advocate the 16 - year - old vote, a constitutional convention, House of Lords reform, and an in / out referendum on EU membership when a proposed treaty change would transfer (substantial) powers to Europe.

Constitutional convention of cabinet collective responsibility - Baroness Miller of Hendon Regulation of healthcare assistance in the light of the Health and Care Professions Council's preliminary finding that there are significant shortcomings in a voluntary register - Lord Hunt of Kings Heath

House of Lords reform and EVEL are both folded into the constitutional convention process.

This was the subject of the opening talk by Oxford's Stuart White who gave an overview of different options for a UK constitutional convention.

Alexander, who includes adviser to U2 singer Bono on global poverty among his portfolio of jobs, also called for EU powers over fisheries and agriculture to be handed to Holyrood post-Brexit and backed Gordon Brown's call for a constitutional convention to consider further devolution to the nations and regions of the UK.

White presented two options for a constitutional convention for the UK, drawing on recent experiences in Iceland and Ireland.

But it's not impossible either — just think about the work of the Scottish Constitutional Convention back in the 1980 - 90s, the democratic thrust generated by the referendum, all the impossible that became the possible.

Worse than being ill - named, such proposals are ill - timed as it is manifestly impossible to act upon them until the constitutional convention is convened following the elections.

However, the story of the Scottish Constitutional Convention also tells us that such a process will take time, and can not be rushed or accomplished overnight.

There is no doubt that a hung parliament would have provided the best conditions to argue for a constitutional convention, which the Greens, Labour and Liberal Democrats and UKIP all called for.

In a different sphere, I was right to argue that English local government should be rescued from its status as the «humiliated Cinderella of English governance», but I should have argued much more forcefully for a constitutional convention to decide how the nations, regions and localities of the United Kingdom should relate to each other and to the centre.