Sentences with phrase «court desegregation»

Alabama also enacted tuition grant state laws permitting students to use vouchers at private schools in the mid-1950s, while also enacting nullification statutes against court desegregation mandates and altering its teacher tenure laws to allow the firing of teachers who supported desegregation.50 Alabama's tuition grant laws would also come before the court, with the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama declaring in Lee v. Macon County Board of Education vouchers to be «nothing more than a sham established for the purpose of financing with state funds a white school system.»

Washington — School districts that were once racially segregated by law should remain bound by court desegregation orders until every wrong caused by the separation of races is cured, a lawyer for black schoolchildren in Oklahoma City told the U.S. Supreme Court last week.

Like a growing number of other school districts, Denver is coming to terms with the end of a court desegregation order that for years profoundly influenced, and often dictated, many of the decisions about education policy made there.

Not exact matches

Falwell declared in 1958 that «If the Supreme Court had known God's word, I am quite confident that the 1954 school desegregation decision would never have been made.»

The most celebrated example of Federal intervention in state and local school affairs is the 1954 racial desegregation decision of the United States Supreme Court.

The negative effect on the mental health of those segregated was basic in the supreme court's milestone decision on public school desegregation in 1954.

Even where, as in Charlotte, they and their liberal allies control the school board, they have pushed the counterintuitive argument that courts should force the boards to continue busing on the grounds that they have not complied with the original desegregation decrees and need continued court supervision.

Therefore, they contended that a lower federal court in Little Rock had no constitutional authority to order the desegregation of public schools in Arkansas on the basis of the Brown decision.

As Supreme Court decisions moved toward desegregation, editors urged «Christian forces» to assume their responsibility in assuring a peaceful transition toward compliance.

Also at 12:45 p.m., Coalition of Westchester organizations hold a press conference and rally calling on the court to enforce a 2009 desegregation order ahead of a hearing this afternoon on remedies to hold the county accountable for allegedly breaching its 2009 Consent Decree with HUD, steps of U.S. District Court, 500 Pearl St., Manhacourt to enforce a 2009 desegregation order ahead of a hearing this afternoon on remedies to hold the county accountable for allegedly breaching its 2009 Consent Decree with HUD, steps of U.S. District Court, 500 Pearl St., ManhaCourt, 500 Pearl St., Manhattan.

The argument plays to Alabama's primal fear of federal control, a fear born of years of resentment over U.S. courts» ordering the desegregation of schools and the creation of black - majority legislative districts.

Prior to that, in 1976, Buffalo teachers went on strike during the first phase of a court - ordered desegregation program.

It is part of the Supreme Court's legacy of Brown vs. Board of Education and the implementation of school desegregation.

Although Jefferson County fiercely fought school desegregation in the 1970s, they voluntarily continued their integration plan once court oversight ended in 2000.»

The district also includes students from both low - income and wealthy households and also is one of the nation's most desegregated systems, a product of a 1970s court - order merging of city and suburban districts to further desegregation.

The Harvard Project on School Desegregation report examines both these findings and the assumptions upon which they rest using court documents, district and state - level data, and interviews.

Not long after Brown, the courts began backing away from desegregation as a means toward equal educational opportunity.

The study, «Resegregation and Equity in Oklahoma City,» authored by Jennifer Jellison of the Harvard Project on School Desegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time sanctioned a return to segregated schooling by stating that districts may be released from a desegregation order if they had met certaiDesegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time sanctioned a return to segregated schooling by stating that districts may be released from a desegregation order if they had met certaidesegregation order if they had met certain conditions.

«The Oklahoma City case study suggests,» wrote Jellison, «that integration plans, with a great deal of effort, can work more effectively and that courts, rather than releasing districts from desegregation plans after only several years of operation, should ensure that everything possible is being done to promote an integration plan's success.»

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, acting in a case that has been closely monitored across the nation, has upheld a federal district judge's order freezing $ 47.5 - million in Education Department funds pending the Reagan Administration's payment of desegregation aid to Chicago's schools.

And in another case that has gained widespread attention, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit last week refused to delay implementation of a voluntary student - desegregation plan involving public schools in St. Louis and its suburbs.

These «findings» by the lower court about the purported benefits of neighborhood schools were based entirely on the claims of Oklahoma City School District officials, claims which are currently echoed across the country by school districts seeking to be released from their desegregation orders.

Willie was a court - appointed Master in the Boston School Desegregation Case in 1975 and was retained by the mayor to develop the Controlled Choice student assignment plan in 1989.

In 1974, Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall captured this in a dissent in Milliken v. Bradley, a case that rolled back the desegregation efforts called for in Brown v. Board.

The study, «Resegregation and Equity in Oklahoma City,» authored by Jennifer Jellison of the Harvard Project on School Desegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time...

For more than a decade after Brown, southern states and school districts did little to desegregate their schools, and the Court tolerated this foot dragging and in some ways encouraged it by proclaiming, ambiguously, that desegregation had to occur with «all deliberate speed.»

As a result, many districts that originally faced court - ordered desegregation are having these requirements eliminated by lower courts that are following the Supreme Courtscourts that are following the Supreme CourtsCourts lead.

The findings set the stage for furthering desegregation efforts — in particular, court - ordered busing of students in an attempt to increase the diversity of city schools.

Dr. Harris: Research suggests that court - ordered desegregation is not as effective as programs created voluntarily by governments and politicians.

James Ryan, the new dean of the Harvard Graduate School of Education (GSE), argues persuasively that the second most significant ruling about school desegregation is Milliken v. Bradley, which the Court decided in 1974.

In an article about Frankenberg's study that was published in The Birmingham News in December, U.W. Clemon, a retired U.S. district court judge who was involved in desegregation cases in the 1960s, said that as a result of fragmentation, the schools in Jefferson County are «resegregated» today, and not by accident.

A federal appeals court in Boston has narrowly upheld a voluntary desegregation plan in the Lynn, Mass., school district in a case that is being closely followed by supporters and critics of race - conscious policies in K - 12 schooling.

Kansas City schools were already predominantly minority, and the Supreme Court had ruled in the Detroit case that surrounding school districts not found guilty of segregation could not be pulled into a case to provide more white students for desegregation.

In 1954, the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education found legally segregated schools to be unconstitutional, but it was not until the legislative and executive branches put the full strength of the federal government behind desegregation efforts, by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, that serious progress was made in the South.

Today, questions about the effects of changes in housing patterns and recent Supreme Court decisions that weaken desegregation efforts remain central to discussions of educational opportunity and racial achievement gaps.

The sweeping anti-busing legislation — approved by the Senate as part of a bill providing funds for the Justice Department this year — not only forbids the Justice Department from bringing desegregation suits that could result in busing and limits the power of federal courts to order busing for such purposes, but allows Justice Department officials to support the removal of court - ordered busing plans already in operation.

It was notorious for many reasons: First, the court ordered enormous state and city expenditures, intending to attract white schoolchildren from the suburbs to the Kansas City schools so as to provide the minimum number of white children that proponents of desegregation considered necessary for a desegregated or «unitary» school.

In the 1990s, a new set of decisions by a more conservative Supreme Court required that many large (and successful) desegregation plans be dismantled across the country.

Under the terms of a court settlement reached with the aid of a nationally known desegregation researcher, the San Francisco Unified School District will open a currently unused facility to house the entire student body of a magnet middle school affected by the district's asbestos - cleanup program.

«My intense desire to see my school excel comes not only from an unwavering belief that all students deserve an excellent education, but also the unique role Sousa played in the civil rights movement,» said Kamras referring to a challenge to segregation at Sousa that culminated in Bolling v. Sharpe, the 1954 Supreme Court case that paved the way for the desegregation of all DC public schools.

Eleven school districts in suburbs of Kansas City, Mo., have asked a federal appeals court to halt the St. Louis area's voluntary cross-district desegregation plan, contending that it could imperil their own desegregation case.

Few remember that the Nixon administration conditioned federal aid to southern schools on their compliance with desegregation court orders; that policy appears to have aided the desegregation efforts that federal courts were insisting upon.

The courts are now dominated by anti-civil rights majorities that were appointed over the last several administrations, and they are dismantling desegregation.

The Supreme Court softened its stance on desegregation in the 1990s, ruling that school districts could not be held responsible for low student achievement in segregated settings.

Researchers found that much of the progress for black students since the 1960s was eliminated during a decade which brought three Supreme Court decisions limiting desegregation remedies.

Courts, too, varied in their commitment to desegregation.

District court judges took this to mean that desegregation orders must be revised on a regular basis to ensure racial balance.

Despite the limitations imposed by the Supreme Court in Milliken I, several lower courts have since decided that cross-district desegregation plans can be legally justified under certain circumstances.

A federal judge overseeing a 26 - year - old school desegregation case in Chicago has indicated that as long as some details are added, he is inclined to approve a proposed final settlement between the school system and the U.S. Department of Justice that could end court supervision of the district by July of next year.

After 1974, however, school integration efforts outside the South were stymied by the Supreme Court's 5 - 4 decision in Milliken v. Bradley, which prohibited heavily minority urban systems from including nearby suburbs in desegregation plans.