Sentences with phrase «cultural movement in»

The exhibition will explore the idea of a contemporary cultural movement in painting and sculpture that has developed in dialogue with and in response to modernism and postmodernism of the 20th century.

Respected curator Laura Hoptman has gathered together seventeen artists for The Forever Now exhibition that she feels characterises our cultural movement in the first fifteen years of this new millennium.

The musical style of Tropicália, which takes its name from Oiticica's eponymous 1966 - 67 installation, became a larger artistic and socio - cultural movement in Brazil.

During the Harlem Renaissance in the United States, a cultural movement in the 1920s and 1930s that brought the explosion of African - American literature, music and art, African - American artists aimed to re-conceptualize their identity and represent their heritage and tradition with a sense of cultural pride.

There once was a Hebrew cultural movement in this country, alongside the much stronger Yiddishist movement.

This bundle contains 17 ready - to - use Renaissance worksheets that are perfect for students to learn about the period from the 14th to the 17th century, considered the bridge between the Middle Ages and Modern history which started a cultural movement in Italy in the Late Medieval period and later spread to the rest of Europe.

It's interesting to think about Philadelphia, dated and slightly stereotypical as it is, as a product of its time and an effort to broach a taboo subject in light of today's cultural movement in Hollywood for diversity in storytelling.

City of Gold (Director: Laura Gabbert)-- Pulitzer Prize - winning critic Jonathan Gold casts his light upon a vibrant and growing cultural movement in which he plays the dual roles of high - low priest and culinary geographer of his beloved Los Angeles.

Not exact matches

That's no longer the case, as social movements like Black Lives Matter and #MeToo have thrust the power dynamics that she highlights in her own New York City classroom onto a cultural main stage, and made her work more accessible and understandable.

Last year's crackdown on social media in China was merely the opening salvo of the Party's war on Western cultural influence and opposition movements.

The Culture of Good is a cultural movement, launched in 2013, of TCC doing good in its local communities where stores are located.

Before the 1970s, evangelicals voted as often for Democrats as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.

And I know harpin» on the Boomers is a temptation for an X-er like me — as I've said before, we all owe a lot to sensible boomers in the conservative movement, in comparable cultural movements, etc..

So if this is true, that the Spirit of God whispers the truth of God to all people everywhere so that religion, literature, music, art, politics, and cultural movement all contain echoes of what God wants done in the world, why is it that Jesus came to the Jews to be a fulfillment of their Scriptures?

a movement which was the end culmination of nearly three centuries of cultural slavery in north and south america.

Some of my friends are sympathetic to the pro-life movement's ideal of a world where mother and child are both offered love and support, a world less subject to the cultural and economic forces that can make motherhood unthinkable for women in unplanned pregnancies.

An important aspect of this cultural development has been the influential presence of the homosexual movement in public life.

Since the gospel is always received and appropriated in a specific cultural form, and since the church is established and functions as a social institution, the changes that are taking place in global societies have profound implications for churches (as profound, some have suggested, as our initial transition from a regional Jewish Jesus movement into a global Gentile church).

Take the 1 in 3 Campaign, for example, whose mission is to «start a new conversation about abortion» and to «create a more enabling cultural environment for the policy and legal work of the abortion rights movement.»

Unlike almost every other justice movement, it is strongly multiethnic, injecting moral passion and religious tradition into public debate, but in a way that respects the nation's cultural diversity.

But it came to be associated not only with religious but also with caste political overtones, and came into conflict with the anti-Brahmin movements of depressed castes who were organizing separately for separate political strength to bring about cultural and social change aimed at elevating their status in the body politic; it also made the conversion into other religious communities, of the depressed sections of Hinduism as well as of the Tribals partially Hinduised and moving more fully in that direction, to be seen as a weakening of the Hindu community and a strengthening of other religious communities as political entities.

(a) Philosophical preoccupation with the various types of cultural activities on an idealistic basis (Johann Gottfried Herder, G. W. F. Hegel, Johann Gustav Droysen, Hermann Steinthal, Wilhelm Wundt); (b) legal studies (Aemilius Ludwig, Richter, Rudolf Sohm, Otto Gierke); (c) philology and archeology, both stimulated by the romantic movement of the first decades of the nineteenth century; (d) economic theory and history (Karl Marx, Lorenz von Stein, Heinrich von Treitschke, Wilhelm Roscher, Adolf Wagner, Gustav Schmoller, Ferdinand Tonnies); (e) ethnological research (Friedrich Ratzel, Adolf Bastian, Rudolf Steinmetz, Johann Jakob Bachofen, Hermann Steinthal, Richard Thurnwald, Alfred Vierkandt, P. Wilhelm Schmidt), on the one hand; and historical and systematical work in theology (church history, canonical law — Kirchenrecht), systematic theology (Schleiermacher, Richard Rothe), and philosophy of religion, on the other, prepared the way during the nineteenth century for the following era to define the task of a sociology of religion and to organize the material gathered by these pursuits.7 The names of Max Weber, Ernst Troeltsch, Werner Sombart, and Georg Simmel — all students of the above - mentioned older scholars — stand out.

In Daniel (1913) we find Buber's concern for unity, realization, and creativity expressed for the first time entirely in its own terms and not as the interpretation of some particular thought or religious or cultural movemenIn Daniel (1913) we find Buber's concern for unity, realization, and creativity expressed for the first time entirely in its own terms and not as the interpretation of some particular thought or religious or cultural movemenin its own terms and not as the interpretation of some particular thought or religious or cultural movement.

It is a living religion which has received and is still receiving its vitality from the people who confess it; it is a great movement which has passed through various stages of development over its long and complicated history, influencing and being influenced by the religious and cultural forces in its environment.

Christian history is a series of cross-cultural movements, which result in a succession of different Christian «heartlands» as the geographical and cultural center of Christianity has changed.

While the character of certain movements and groups is to a large extent defined by sociological criteria, such as the earlier so - called Frontier religion or now the Buchmean (Oxford group) Movement, which Allan Eister has recently analyzed in his book Drawing Room Conversion, we find that the more definitely a religious group is a religious group — as distinct from an economic, political, or cultural association — the more important, both for members of the group and students of it, will become its worship and its theology.

Harrington insists on seeing the broad movements of cultural history in every particular experience, majestic and mundane.

One sees variations of it in many fields of study (for example, in trendy new movements like postmodernism) and everywhere it produces doubts among reflective people about the possibility of justifying belief in objective intellectual, cultural and moral standards.

We do not know the cultural background and ethnic origins of the tribes that took part in the movement which we know best as Joshua's conquest of Palestine, yet the influence of the Arabian Desert was strong upon them, if we may judge from such information as we possess of their social life in the immediately following period.

That this movement was in part a process of cultural interpenetration no one will deny.

All political movements, economic and cultural discussions, and religious longings are directed toward the overcoming of the feeling of «insecurity» which is abroad in all lands.

Jewish identification has been reinforced by the influence of the black power movement, the ethnic revival in America and the surfacing of national - cultural - religious separatist movements throughout the world.

Life can be given for the sake of the Gospel in mass movements, in political revolution, in complex social strategies and cultural creativity.

It's understandable in the face of an aggressive cultural movement which quite frankly doesn't «play fair» in allowing any opposition view.

Probably the most important cultural phenomenon in contemporary Jewry is the rise of what some have called the «ba'al teshuvah movement.»

It dramatically portrays as never before that churches around the world have reached a critical point in the movement from being more or less homogenous in faith, worship and life to a situation of theological and liturgical heterogeneity, rooted in a profound commitment to express Christian faith and witness in terms of particular local cultural idioms.

In two recent works, The Uncertain Phoenix and Eros and Irony, David L. Hall presents a systematic and radical critique of the Western cultural and philosophical tradition, and (in The Uncertain Phoenix) a provocative vision of a future which might result front a movement away from certain aspects of that traditioIn two recent works, The Uncertain Phoenix and Eros and Irony, David L. Hall presents a systematic and radical critique of the Western cultural and philosophical tradition, and (in The Uncertain Phoenix) a provocative vision of a future which might result front a movement away from certain aspects of that traditioin The Uncertain Phoenix) a provocative vision of a future which might result front a movement away from certain aspects of that tradition.

The free movement of people, goods, and cultural influences between neighboring countries in peacetime can only threaten those who have abandoned belief in limited government and a market economy.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statIn describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and statin dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

The ministry becomes a cultural ministry or a ministry of cultural Protestantism whenever it tends to identify the gospel or the Kingdom of God with a culture or with a movement or cause in this world.

For we hold the bold belief, especially from humble experience in the Faith movement, that if it were our whole society would experience a new cultural springtime.

But white North American Christian feminists have shown a great deal of sensitivity to the need for cultural pluralism within the broader movement of women, and even in this respect they are able to give encouragement, if not leadership, in other cultures.

The history of the San Francisco Zen Center from the late «50s to the present shows a continuous movement from general intellectual and cultural interest in Zen to high and demanding standards of practice.

I do not mean to «rub this in» too much, I have, however, been theologically amused and intrigued by those in the ecumenical movement who have so negatively and critically spoken of «globalization», when all of the time they exude and embody all of the elements - intellectual, cultural, ideological, economic and religious - of a «global mentality» and a «global outreach».

There are the independence movements of various cultural groups in the Soviet Union.

Just for that reason it represents clearly the tension between general cultural influence and a tightly organized in - group that is to be found in many other movements.

For over two decades, he has been considered an early innovator in the Native American cultural contextual movement.

In India, for example, Hindutva, is not just a political ideology against what is called «pseudo-secularism», but also a cultural movement against what are regarded as alien values of globalization.

In the book, Webb seeks to employ what he calls a redemptive - movement hermeneutic to help distinguish between cultural and trans - cultural biblical values, specifically applying this method to slavery, gender issues, and homosexuality.

But at this point we reach the fundamental problem facing any conception of the world, any philosophy which has become a cultural movement, a «religion,» a «faith,» any that has produced a form of practical activity or will in which the philosophy is contained as an implicit theoretical «premiss.»