Sentences with phrase «cultural rights as»

This recognition could become even more limited with climate change, as there is expected to be a significant threat to cultural rights as a result.

While CCLA has focused on select issues only, it is our view that all issues contained in the Committee's List of Issues are vital to the creation of conditions in Canada whereby all persons can enjoy their economic, social, and cultural rights as well as their civil and political rights.

Partnerships: Scientists Working With Human Rights Organizations Examples of collaborations between scientists from a variety of disciplines and human rights practitioners that cover economic, social, and cultural rights as well as civil and political rights.

Recalling that internationally - recognized human rights include social, economic, and cultural rights as well as political and civil rights, we should acknowledge that economic relations and human rights are mutually supportive dimensions of our mature relationship with China.

But it belongs on the rump of the cultural right as well, for Robert Caserio has usefully defined «political correctness» to mean «a prefabricated sense of values, a predetermined set of assumptions about what is good for people and what is bad for them» (quoted in CHE 1).

Not exact matches

In the Silicon Valley startup ecosystem, I've seen founders and their board members forget this at times, as they seek to install someone with the right pedigree but perhaps the wrong cultural fit.

As workplace structures evolve, finding candidates who are the right «cultural fit» is now a top priority of recruiters.

Big losers will include our cultural institutions, including the CBC and the Canada Council who will likely face further devastating cuts, as well as human rights, international development and arts organizations who were funded historically by the Canadian government (some of whom had already lost funding under the minority Conservative government).

In Canada, human rights remain an embedded principle of Canadian law and governance, embracing both civil / political dimensions and economic / social / cultural dimensions of human rights as indispensable to the operation of our political and legal systems.

Where as (following the suffrage and civil rights movements) they have taken Biblical references regarding women and slavery and rightly applied cultural context to them, they have not done the same regarding gays and lesbians.

But if you look at the bible and how christians use it by picking out what parts they agree with and dismissing the horror of it as «cultural of the times» it says to me that their sense of right and wrong is more evolved than the book they claim is the final authority of right and wrong.

Before the 1970s, evangelicals voted as often for Democrats as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.

Stephen H. Webb is right to debunk «the myth of Dylan as a man on the political and cultural left» («It Ain't Me, Babe,» August / September).

The economy can not work without a polity of law respectful of natural rights, as well as the cultural habits or virtues necessary to support all three systems - in - one.

Wary of the dangers that radical subjectivism and moral fanaticism pose for social solidarity and cultural coexistence, he urges us to practice humility, civility, and humor in our political dealings while holding fast to core principles such as individual freedom and human rights.

There is today a curious and dangerous convergence between philosophical nihilists and radical multiculturalists, on the one hand, and, on the other, those states that reject the idea of universal human rights as an instance of cultural imperialism.

This means, of course, engaging in difficult and complex decisions of justice and care, as we seek to determine the economic, social, political, and cultural rights of individuals in our own species and as we pay attention to the rights of the silent, nonvoting majority which is made up of all the other species.

Efforts to promote such changes in the guise of human rights are correctly condemned as egregious instances of «cultural imperialism» by which elites of certain rich nations, not least of the United States, attempt to impose their values on the rest of the world.

I like to think of Western Europe as a river with three major cultural streams affecting it right now.

As everyone knows, there is a tremendous cultural struggle going on in national politics, manifested in disputes over abortion, capital punishment, gun control, crime, welfare, affirmative action, gay rights, school prayer, and other kindred things, many of which have a subtle racial dimension.

- God, the Absolute - humanity, the human condition in its universal characteristics, - male and female, though different, equal in rights and dignity, - the cosmos, especially the planet earth available, with its limited resources, for all humanity - the planet's ecology as common essential source of life and hence of concern for all humans, present and future, - the human conscience guiding each one interiorly would be known only to each one personally, - the each group of humans has a history and a religio - cultural background of its own is a universal factor that makes for particularity and different contexts for theology, - the realization that the present increasing globalization of relationships, economy and culture impinge on theology and spirituality universally, though differently.

Azariah who later became Bishop of Dornakal argued that the church in accepting the position of a communal political minority with special protection would become a static community and it would negate its self - understanding as standing for mission and service to the whole national community, that in any case the Indian church is not a single social or cultural community since it consists of people of diverse background, each of whom would have its own political struggle to wage in cooperation with the people of similar background in other religions; and therefore theologically and politically Christians should ask only for religious freedom for its mission and service to all people, not as a minority right, but as a human right (ref.

Probably not substantive change, but big troubles in relation to cultural conservatism or, as its enemies prefer, the «Religious Right.»

It would only be a proof of colonialism to pretend that one religious message, like the New Testament, has the right and the duty to inculturate itself everywhere, as if it were something supra - cultural.

For they seek to rise above all conflicts of conviction, sometimes as purveyors of rights, sometimes as proponents of tolerance, sometimes as cultural diplomats offering to manage conflicts with the give - and - take of identity politics.

The story of Phyllis Schlafly, as Critchlow, a professor of history at St. Louis University, tells it, is a story of conservatism operating far from centers of political and cultural power but crucial to the most important domestic political event of the second half of the twentieth century: the ascendancy and triumph of the once - moribund American right.

Elements of democratic ethics, such as doctrines of human rights and religious freedom, are gradually finding their way into Catholic thought.7 Since the Church is a living organism it can respond to every new cultural situation while maintaining steadfastly its own absolute authority.

The position of the Government and of such campaigners and many other cultural icons in our society is that the rights of active homosexuals to be unimpeded in having their relationship treated as normal trump the rights of Christians not to so cooperate.

In many respects, the New Deal was less about income redistribution than about the recognition of «group rights» benefitting these cultural challengers, a recognition embedded in such policies as the fostering of labor unions, public works programs, and social insurance.

Even modest programs of redistributionism have been abandoned as intellectuals on the left have wasted their energies in promoting multiculturalist distractions, obscurantist cultural studies that have turned the academy into a narcissistic playpen, and communitarian platitudes that claim to bridge the divide between left and right.

Are individual rights based on societal righteousness within the parameters of cultural soundness for so being as the kindled crooked line drawn, distanced and so bellicosely thwarted by religious austerities so choosing?

I think James Cone is right when he says: «Theologians of the Christian Church have not interpreted Christian ethics as an act for the liberation of the oppressed because their views of divine revelation were defined by philosophy and other cultural values rather than by the biblical theme of God as the liberator of the oppressed.»

Even as God's work as Creator is in the deeper interest of every creature in a cosmic order that frees it to realize its own interests as fully as possible in solidarity with all its fellow creatures, so right actions toward others and, even more so, right structures of social and cultural order are byway of realizing the same deeper interest, thereby carrying forward God's own work of creation.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

The Preamble of the Declaration of the Right to Development, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1986, describes «development as a comprehensive economic, social, cultural and political process that aims at the constant improvement of the well - being of the entire population and of all individuals on the basis of their active, free and meaningful participation in development and in the fair distribution of resulting benefits».

As our Road from Regensburg column recounts, his addresses to our political and cultural leaders seemed to hit the right note - giving us a gentle reminder about God.

Showing perhaps too much confidence in nonviolence, education, legislation and litigation as the only appropriate means to eliminate cultural prejudice, the editors never wavered in their support for civil rights in general.

The second major argument, originally not intended as a cultural relativist argument, is the claim that societies which lack certain cultural prerequisites are not suited for democracy and human rights.

Turning first to the Asian values claims, I offer a four-fold critique of the these culture - based claims: first, I will briefly address the Asian values claim on a substantive level; second, I will address a related cultural prerequisites argument which seeks to disqualify some societies from realization of democracy and human rights; third, I will consider claims made on behalf of community or communitarian values in the East Asian context; and fourth, a recent shift to concern with institutions and their role in social transformation will be considered as a prelude to the constitutionalist argument addressed in the second half of this essay.

Also, even if America is overly puritanical about the human body, don't we, as a culture, have a right to have those cultural norms?

World Health Organization gives a recomended age until 2 not 5 as another commenter posted, Most Old - time Cultural Rights of passages including Judaism, and tribal ritual from the old world and new, hold ceremonies for the age of 3, because the baby is entering childhood and no longer need the breast.

I remember myself at the beginning of this journey — the «need» for control in my parent - child relationship, the anger when my child didn't do as I thought she should have, the overwhelm of realizing how much I didn't know about parenting, the anxiety about whether I was doing it right or not, the complete lack of knowledge about healthy child development expectations, the frustration of realizing that I didn't know myself and how to handle my own emotions as much as I thought I did, the conflict between my mothering instincts and cultural advice promoting detachment and emotional distance.

More and more evidence points to the importance of breastfeeding on a cultural, public health, psychosocial, ecological and economic level, and the need to support, protect and promote it in all aspects of healthcare and society, as well as asserting breastfeeding as a human right for both babies and women.

Also at 9:30 a.m., the Lehman College Center for Human Rights & Peace Studies hosts its eighth annual conference, Artist as Witness: Cultural Production, Conflict, and Human Rights in Syria, Lehman College, 250 Bedford Park Blvd. W., East Dining Room, Music Building, the Bronx.

There is no reason to treat earlier regimes of property rights as sacrosanct given the possibilities offered by free and open cultural access.

Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.

Finally, national identity, the most symbolic aspect of sovereignty proudly brandished by right - wing populists, has largely been impacted by these supranational evolutions as well as by the cultural diversification of European societies.

He presented himself to the GOP as a cultural conservative who supports the National Rifle Association, the Boy Scouts and the rights of the unborn.

Mason sees this as a cultural reaction to the ubiquity of capitalism, which both left and right have accepted as inescapable.

And the paper's veteran associate editor, the fiercely right wing Trevor Kavanagh, wrote: «Thanks to former equalities chief Trevor Phillips, and Labour MPs such as Rotherham's Sarah Champion, it is acceptable to say Muslims are a specific rather than a cultural problem.»