Not exact matches
With apparently some significant success, evangelical and Catholic supporters of Senator Obama attempted to hijack the language of the
culture of life, claiming that they are the authentic pro-life proponents because,
by reducing poverty and expanding comprehensive sex education, Obama will decrease the number of
abortions.
Abortion is relevant only to the extent that the single or unready parenthood is encouraged
by our
culture; many of these children would be better off if they had been adopted as infants.
Abortion by itself did not cause that disregard, but it certainly deepens and legitimates the nihilism that is spreading in our
culture and finds killing for convenience acceptable.
In a nation where about one out of every three women has had an
abortion, one bright light in pastoral outreach to women wounded
by the
culture of death is the Rachel's Vineyard retreat.
Not surprisingly, those who are put off
by culture politics are put off
by the conflict over
abortion.
He quoted Bishop Samuel Aquila of Fargo, North Dakota, who said at the time, «Catholics who support so - called «
abortion rights» support a false right, promote a
culture of death and are guarded
by the father of lies.»
Not only that: crime is running amok,
abortion and out - of - wedlock births skyrocket, parasitic urban males are permanently at war with the
culture by age fifteen, and city school systems seem incapable of delivering anything but multicultural trashings of societal values, and condoms.
He said: «We're going to need to change
by virtue a humanised political debate over exactly what we want to see in our country, that means changing the law, it is also changing the
culture so people view
abortion as what it is, destruction of an unborn child.»
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily
by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid
by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with
abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts
by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values»
by changing the
culture at a deeper level than is represented
by winning elections; and, finally,
by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.
As James Davison Hunter suggests in
Culture Wars, churches have been paralyzed by a division between orthodox and progressive parties that see the family issue — as they see abortion, homosexuality, education and popular culture — in vastly differen
Culture Wars, churches have been paralyzed
by a division between orthodox and progressive parties that see the family issue — as they see
abortion, homosexuality, education and popular
culture — in vastly differen
culture — in vastly different ways.
The sexual revolution and the associated
abortion license were immeasurably facilitated
by a
culture now preoccupied with what Mary Ann Glendon has famously termed «rights talk.»
All of us must give witness to the sanctity of human life, not merely
by personally refraining from
abortion and euthanasia, but
by working in various spheres — including the political sphere — to overcome these «crimes against life» and create a new «
culture of life.»
But until this week, I have never really grasped the degree to which people in the
abortion industry are enslaved, corrupted, and abused
by the
culture of death.
This overwhelmingly «christian» congress represents an overwhelming «christian» nation has that: performs a million
abortions a year, has out 40 % of births out of wedlock (approaching 70 percent in minority communities), has a Supreme Court that has ruled that virtual child pornography is protected
by the first amendment, has a
culture that teaches ever younger girls (through movies, music, tv, books and magazines) that their primary function is as living sex toys for men, forces religions to provide insurance to include abortifacients against their faith, and is rapidly redefining marriage
by judicial edict.
The reason half of Americans doubt the science on climate change isn't because they are stupid or misled
by the fossil fuels lobby, but because the global warming issue has now become as much as part of America's
culture wars as
abortion or creationism.
«Federal
abortion ban struck down
by 8th Circuit: Carhart v. Gonzales Main How to escape BigLaw
culture»