Back in 2002, a Republican pollster advised conservatives to attack the consensus in order to win the public
debate about climate policy.
It has always been defended on that tired old notion that
the debate about climate policy divides on the fact of climate change, between scientists who claim «climate change is real» and deniers who claim the opposite.
Obama will almost certainly veto those measures, of course, but there is no way his party will be able to avoid
debate about climate policy in 2016, as it did in 2012.
Richard Tol, a professor at the University of Sussex, warned that «[t] his claim, frequently repeated in
debates about climate policy, does not stand.
This same schematic of demarcated science and politics operates at all levels of
debate about climate policies.
The Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change has been, ever since, cited in
debates about climate policy, the world over, and Nick Stern has become the climate alarmist's chief guru.
Not exact matches
Obama offered no indication of whether he'll eventually issue a permit for the pipeline, whose construction has become a flashpoint in the U.S.
debate about environmental
policy and
climate change.
Using the example of the current
debate surrounding anthropomorphic
climate change, Thompson sought to evaluate the argument from authority through a single prism, the way in which science is handled in argumentation
about public
policy.
Similar to the
debate on fracking, public opposition to the gas port became part of a larger discussion
about New York State's energy
policy and how the state should respond to
climate change.
The letter, which included a statement on
climate science by the leaders of 18 scientific societies, stated, «Although
debate about policy options exists,
climate change is not a scientifically - controversial topic.»
This two - valued approach would provide clarity to
climate change
policy analyses, which often result in misleading
debates about policy trade - offs.
A Global Approach Until recently, nearly all
policy debate about building institutions to protect Earth's
climate focused on the global level.
Galway and Roscommon, Ire
About Blog I'm interested in international relations, American foreign
policy,
climate change, US presidential elections, public
debate, Kansas Jayhawks basketball, film, and major league baseball.
Part of the reason that elements of the
climate change
debate take on religious proportions — by the activists for and against
policy — is that folks have so dug in around almost every aspect of the
debate that it is hard to raise a question
about some uncritically accepted element of the religious canon without folks first attacking you as an untrained heathen.
The op - ed favorably cited by Mike Mann says this explcitly, «That means we need to clearly say there is no scientific
debate about climate change — and instead shift the conversation to next steps... Those of us who write opinion need to press for public -
policy action, steps that move us as a planet forward.
And by all means let's ask Walmart to be a louder voice in public
policy debates about energy and
climate change.
But even as I push for an energy quest that limits
climate risk, I'm not worried
about the resilience of Arctic ecosystems and not worried
about the system tipping into an irreversibly slushy state on time scales relevant to today's
policy debates.
It began with the observation that public
debate on
climate policy has long been misinformed
about the balance of evidence.
Instead, Goldston is saying that we should recognize that
debate about energy
policy,
climate change, etc. is inherently political.
As signs grew that the Senate was in no mood to set up a trading system for curbing carbon dioxide emissions, as I noted how the
climate policy debate had circled back lately to the emissions - capping plan for power plants that had been proposed in the 2000 Bush campaign for the presidency, I found myself thinking
about the vacuum that's persisted where President Obama should have been on this issue (if he planned to live up to his campaign commitments).
This has significance for how we ought to both
debate the
climate issue and think
about policy.
A few points that have caught my interest so far: • dealing with complex problems using complex tools, ideas • the idea of reconciliation in scientific
debates is to try different approaches in an experimental meeting for attempting nonviolent communication in impassioned
debates where there is disagreement • reconciliation is not
about consensus, but rather creating an arena where we can have honest disagreement • violence in this
debate derives from the potential impacts of
climate change and the
policy options, and differing political and cultural notions of risk and responsibility.
The proposition that «science» somehow dictated particular
policy responses, encouraged — indeed instructed — those who found those particular strategies unattractive to argue
about the science.36 So, a distinctive characteristic of the
climate change
debate has been of scientists claiming with the authority of their position that their results dictated particular
policies; of
policy makers claiming that their preferred choices were dictated by science, and both acting as if «science» and «
policy» were simply and rigidly linked as if it were a matter of escaping from the path of an oncoming tornado.
Fierce
policy debates about responsibility for
climate mitigation and adaptation have long focused on the «common but differentiated responsibilities» of nations, the framework used for the Paris
climate negotiations.
His view accords with that of a growing number of scientists concerned
about the pursuit of «intensely political» areas of science, such as the
debate over
climate change, amid fears that views contrary to government
policy were unwelcome.
The IMO has been talking
about climate change for twenty years but the strategy agreed this week marks the beginning of a focused
debate about the
policies and measures that will help it to modernise and regain the status of a clean and efficient mode of transport.
Last Tuesday's
debate featured extensive discussions
about climate change
policy, a first for a presidential candidate
debate of any stripe.
It has not only distorted our public and
policy debates on issues related to energy, greenhouse gas emissions and the environment, it also has inhibited the scientific and
policy discussions that we need to have
about our
climate future.»
We would like now to explain in greater detail why taking the ethical reasons for support of
climate change
policies off the table in the
debate about climate change is tantamount to a soccer team unilaterally taking the goalie out of the net.
This is journalism for the public
policy debate about climate change, not written by a subject matter expert.
While Washington
debates about whether to get serious on our
climate and energy
policies, Beijing this week released China's five - year energy development plan, laying out an ambitious «all of the above» strategy that where lacking in specifics more than makes up for in vision (the plan, in Chinese; and Google translated).
Instead, we should have a legitimate
policy debate between the center - right and the center - left on what to do
about climate change.
This is a call for researchers in different nations to investigate how national
debates about climate change
policies have expressly considered or not ethics and justice issues in formulating
climate policies.
Wouldn't you rather see all the energy that has been and will be wasted counteracting and
debating this video actually go in to constructive, practical thinking
about all the many
climate policies that we need to get passed soon?
Common to these arguments is that they have successfully framed the
climate change
debate so that opponents and proponents of
climate policies debate facts
about costs, scientific uncertainty, or economic harms to nations that act while other large emitters don't act rather the moral problems with these arguments.
Unless the skeptics form a theory, they'll remain minor players in the
debates — the
climate science
debate and the public
policy debate about climate change (they're distinct, although often conflated).
The repeated use of the term «undeniable» by bloggers and activists commenting on the report is merely the latest attempt by the warmists to claim that there's nothing more to be said
about climate policy — that the
debate is over.
Moreover, as I've argued here previously, the emphasis, or hope that science can conclusively answer the
debate about global warming almost concedes to the alarmist / precautionary perspective that, if «
climate change is happening», then so the
policies are justified.
But is it not also irresponsible to allow
debate about what looks like a disastrous range of
climate and energy
policies —
policies which have pushed up the price of energy, leaving people poorer, in colder homes, and causing other economic effects, none of which are good?
«There is a «false sense somehow that there is a two - sided
debate going on in the scientific community»
about the origins of
climate change, said Bob Ward, the senior manager for
policy communication at the Royal Society.
The
climate denial countermovement has also blocked critical reflection on and serious
debate about climate change through other strategies which seek to promote the idea that civil society will be better off if
climate change
policies are not adopted.
Debate about climate change
policy in the United States has almost always assumed that US
policy - makers can look to US economic interests alone in establishing US
climate change
policies.
In the meantime, during the
debates about US domestic
policy on
climate change that have been taking place for almost thirty years, the US media has reported on
climate issues almost exclusively by focusing on issues of scientific certainty
about climate change impacts and economic cost to the US economy.
This phenomenon is partly attributable to the fact that economic interests opposed to US
climate change
policies have skillfully and successfully framed the US
climate change
debate as a matter
about which there is insufficient scientific evidence or too much adverse impact on the US economy to warrant action.
Because
debates about climate change
policy formation at the national level have often ignored questions of equity and fairness, there is a need to publicize how
debates at the national level
about proposed
climate change
policies acknowledge or ignore questions of equity, ethics, and distributive justice.
FoS lists their goal as «To educate the public
about climate science and through them bring pressure to bear on governments to engage in public
debates on the scientific merits of the hypothesis of human induced global warming and the various
policies that intend to address the issue.»
What should have been a political
debate about energy
policy, environmental quality, and reducing vulnerability to weather and
climate disasters, became a
debate about the nuances of
climate science, with
climate scientists as the pawns and whipping boys.
If a public
debate about climate change and energy
policies were permitted, and if the values that inform the interpretation of
climate science were open to democratic contest, the climategate emails would be inconsequential.
Note: you are discussing my beliefs
about the
climate change
policy debate.
My objections to how the public
policy debate about climate change concerns methodology, and are explained here: How we broke the
climate change
debates.