Sentences with phrase «defense of freedom»

Listen and learn, because the defense of freedom and liberty starts in your backyard.

Judith Curry congratulates Essex for «the best defense of freedom of scientific enquiry that I've seen emerge from the Grijalva inquisition» on her blog Climate Etc. [16]

Set in 1958 in Caroline County Virginia, Jeff Nichols» («Midnight Special») Loving depicts one defense of freedom that is not as well known as it should be, the U.S....

At its best, Darkest Hour celebrates Churchill not just for stoking the resilience and patriotism of his people, but also their vigorous defense of freedom and democracy.

Protestant, liberal, and Anglo - American historians repeated without challenge the heroic defense of freedom by Lutheran, Calvinist, and Anglican reformers, by Dutch freedom fighters against Spanish cruelty and tyranny, and by intellectual opponents of religious obscurantism in the eighteenth century.

That kind of orderly conversation can not begin with the radical epistemological skepticism and moral relativism that inform today's Ockhamites and their defense of freedom as willfulness.

Which forces me to wonder: Has the high moral mission of liberalism and its noble defense of freedom really come down to unlimited access to pornography?

Whitehead's view of reality expressed in his concept of the self is the most important philosophical defense of freedom and creativity in the twentieth century.

He paid tribute to Americans who have «sacrificed their lives in defense of freedom, both at home and abroad.»

Since he was writing for a predominantly Methodist audience, McCabe did not feel the need to elaborate a defense of the freedom of the will.

It needs to be added that the cultivation of a well - founded fear that the other side might prevail was essential to maintaining popular resolve in the defense of freedom.

Methodists had prided themselves throughout the nineteenth century on their Arminian defense of the freedom of the human will against their Calvinist detractors.

Many believed that a war that had been motivated by good intentions, such as the «defense of freedom,» had gone awry.

As I recall, Peter was from the first the most skeptical, while Richard and I initially leaned toward Kennedy's «bear any burden, pay any price» in the defense of freedom internationally.

In his superb defense of freedom of thought and opinion, Matthew J. Franck does not carry through his unblinking realism in analyzing the arguments for same - sex marriage to his conclusion, where he evinces a Pollyannaish hope that the «strategy pursued by the advocates of same - sex marriage will be self - defeating.»

Had his peers refuted the premise of his question with a reasoned defense of the freedom of consensual adults to engage in physiologically dangerous sex - acts, then they would have been engaging in informative social influence through positive rational or rhetorical persuasion.

I'm sorry there is no defense of freedom here.

Not exact matches

Follow the Mises Institute for uncompromising content in defense of Austrian economics, freedom and peace.

Backed by the Sound Money Defense League, Idaho Freedom Foundation, and Money Metals Exchange, HB 449 is a tax - neutral bill which excludes gains and / or losses on the sale of precious metals coins and bullion from -LSB-...]

Devon is a recipient of the Secretary of Defense Employer Support Freedom Award.

It's led to especially collegial relations with Roman Catholics, with President Harrison writing a letter in June of last year thanking the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops for their defense of religious freedom.

In Islam life is more sacred than anything and should only be shed in self defense, to free the oppressed and to protect the freedom of religion.

They praise him for his remarkable work in defense of international religious freedom and other human rights.

Unfortunately, Plantinga, himself, has not explicitly acknowledged the fact that his analysis of the relationship between divine sovereignty and human freedom is basically an attack upon, not a defense of, the view of omnipotence that most classical theists seem to hold; moreover, many such classical theists seem not yet to have perceived this tension for themselves.

Even those who demand their own sartorial freedom from symbolism would not hire a defense lawyer who wore pajamas (which would serve the practical function of covering the body as well as a suit) to court, or submit to an operation by a brain surgeon who wore a Dracula sweatshirt in his consulting room.

However, our discussion and defense of Plantinga has shown that, when worked out coherently, the classical theist must affirm a notion of omnipotence practically identical to that of the process theist — i.e., our discussion demonstrates that the classical theist must, like the process theist, acknowledge that human freedom places necessary limits upon God's power in both the moral and natural realms.

In particular, the declaration references the charter's «principles of constitutional contractual citizenship» and «freedom of movement, property ownership, mutual solidarity and defense, as well as principles of justice and equality before the law,» in regards to Muslims and non-Muslims.

SGM evoked a religious freedom defense in 2013 when the confidentiality of its pastoral counseling was challenged, stating, «SGM believes that allowing courts to second - guess pastoral guidance would represent a blow to the First Amendment that would hinder, not help, families seeking spiritual direction among other resources in dealing with the trauma related to any sin including child sexual abuse.»

Yet it is this divine comedy that has been the continuing source and inspiration of much of our concern for equality, freedom and justice for all, our compassion for the disinherited, our defense of the weak and the poor.

If the liberty they protect is largely negative, largely a defense against encroachment, it is still the indispensable condition for the attainment of any fuller freedom.

The defense of negative freedom, of civil rights and liberties, while ignoring massive injustice, poverty, and despair will be self - defeating.

McCabe was convinced that the preservation of human freedom demanded a vigorous defense of contingency.

Though as God incarnate, He had every right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of His own personal happiness, though He had the ultimate freedom to make His own religion, to say whatever He wanted to whomever, to call crowds of disciples to follow after Him, and to take up all the power and force of the universe in His defense, Jesus instead chose to give it all away.

The Basingers believe «that most influential classical theists — e.g., Augustine, Aquinas, Luther, Calvin — have affirmed I - omnipotence»; they go on to say that «unfortunately, Plantinga, himself, has not explicitly acknowledged the fact that his analysis of the relation between divine sovereignty and human freedom is basically an attack upon, not a defense of, the view of omnipotence that most classical theists seem to hold.»

As for the «narrow public witness» against which John Murdock rightly cautions, I really don't think «prioritizing» equals «ignoring,» such that to prioritize the defense of religious freedom and the right to life excludes other issues from the Church's social witness and public policy advocacy.

While Pagels argues that the phenomenon of pre-Augustinian Christian celibacy was an expression of this early Christian impulse toward freedom (rather than of a hatred of nature or the body), she thinks Augustine's defense of celibacy is the very antithesis of freedom.

Having in view the question of national security, this contribution to the practice of freedom of conscience can be made only because the great majority of citizens are willing to bear arms in defense of their country.

This includes defense of religious freedom and the marriage - based family, resistance to evils such as abortion, euthanasia, eugenics, and coercive population control, and a devotion to justice for all, especially for the poor.

For many believers in this group, it is about finding a righteous (and humane) path to oneness with their god and for non-believers (like myself) it is about the defense of certain freedoms and a right to live our lives unhampered by the beliefs of others while still maintaining those common values that are important to the progress and betterment of mankind.

ECT's most recent statement, «In Defense of Religious Freedom,» details the infringements on religious liberty that have taken place around the world, as well as those which have emerged in the United States.

If you mock Muhammad or the Quran in a Muslim country, or publicly elsewhere, in such a way that deadly rioting can be expected, freedom of speech is no defense,

The First Amendment Defense Act can and should protect the free exercise of religion without ignoring the freedom of speech, press and assembly for the non-observant as well as the devout.

Unfortunately freedom of speech requires defense because evil people will always endeavor to suppress it.

And indeed, as he suggested, it would call into question the power of the Congress to act now, with the Defense of Marriage Act, in seeking merely to preserve, for the states, their freedom to refuse.

I am still a pacifist, then, set against war — most of all against expeditionary war in defense of democracy, peace, freedom, religion, or anything else high and noble.

Catholics have been gratified to find in Evangelicals true brothers in the defense of human life, in the defense of religious freedom, and in the defense of the institution of marriage.

Heartening also is our common witness and action in defense of religious freedom here and around the world, and an awakened sense of solidarity with persecuted Christians, joined with effective concern for non «Christians denied their rights of conscience.

Civil libertarians rise to the defense of this private freedom while those concerned for the global good seem prepared to adopt penalties that severely limit personal freedom.

The hallowed principles of journalistic, artistic and academic freedom are threatened, they argue, and only a stout defense of the barricades will prevent a «neo-McCarthy» backlash from overwhelming the social and political progress of the last few decades.

If it can be shown, after all, that the founding Federalists were opposed to any government that promoted a particular conception of the good life, might we not then say that Laurence Tribe's and Eleanor Smeal's defense of «reproductive freedom» as a constitutional right is consistent with the principles of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay?