When these factors are statistically controlled, however, it appears that
differences between schools account for only a small fraction of differences in pupil achievement (pp. 21 - 22).
... When these factors are statistically controlled... it appears that
differences between schools account for only a small fraction of differences in pupil achievement.
Not exact matches
In a carefully researched article (Yale Journal of Regulation, Summer 2001), Yale Law
School professor Roberta Romano summarized studies on the economic impact of splitting the chair and CEO roles in U.S. companies (where combined CEO / chairs are the norm), finding that there is no statistically significant
difference, in terms of stock price or
accounting income,
between companies that split the roles and those that don't.
Second, my
account does little justice to the
differences between individuals, programs and types of
schools.
The OECD says results from the PISA collaborative problem - solving assessment show only 9 per cent of the
differences in students» scores (after
accounting for their performance in the three core domains of science, reading and mathematics), is observed
between schools.
In making our estimates, we take into
account differences between countries in their level of income, the average number of years students are in
school, and population growth rates.
(For a fuller picture of Weingarten and a good
account of the
difference between political savvy and fixing our
schools for kids, I suggest RiShawn Biddle's profile in the American Spectator.)
If so, what
accounts for the quality
differences between charter
schools and traditional public
schools?
Even after adjusting for observed demographic
differences, researchers always wondered whether unobserved
differences that were not being
accounted for, such as parental motivation or the intellectual richness of home life, played a larger role than the
schools themselves in causing
differences in academic performance
between public and private
schools.
A key challenge for this research is to
account for the subtle
differences between students who choose to attend charters and otherwise similar children who attend traditional public
schools.
One recent analysis had to discard 75 % of its research because it had failed to
account for
differences between the backgrounds and academic histories of pupils attending the
schools.
Academics from Durham University analysed
differences in attainment
between state and private
school pupils, taking their prior attainment, family background and gender into
account.
«Overall,» the study said, «demographic
differences between students in public and private
schools more than
account for the relatively high raw scores of private
schools.
A fairly blunt instrument for assessment, levels could not take
account of regional issues or the individual
differences between schools.
«There was differentiation
between high and low performing
schools accounted for by
differences in strategies.»
Yet even taking into
account the possible
differences in students» and parents» levels of motivation, the academic performance gap
between these charter
schools and public
schools that serve similar students is striking.
Specifically, Section 16 of SB 302 amended NRS 387.124 (1) to provide that the apportionment of funds from the DSA to the
school districts, computed on a yearly basis, equals the
difference between the basic support guarantee and the local funds available, minus «all the funds deposited in education savings
accounts established on behalf of children who reside in the county pursuant to NRS 353B.700 to NRS 353B.930.»
This was not surprising, because
school differences accounted for little of the variation in Tripod: Only 2 - 7 percent of the variation in these indicators lay
between schools.
As discussed above, these variables are used to
account for the potential selection bias introduced because of the
differences between the populations at choice
schools compared to traditional public
schools.
Has the study sufficiently
accounted for the unobservable
differences between students in choice
schools and students in traditional public
school?
The Tricky Bit — How to
Account for Selection Bias Now for the important question, in the context of these data and techniques, how did I compare students in choice
schools to students in traditional public
school knowing that that
difference in decision might be because of some unobservable characteristic obscuring the true comparison
between choice students and traditional public
school students?
Most crucially, and most ludicrously, WILL's study doesn't
account for selection bias —
differences between students whose parents and guardians decide to enroll them in voucher
schools or charter
schools and those who do not.
As I discussed last week, the
differences between teachers only
account for at most 20 % of the variance in student test scores, and more than 60 % of score variance correlates to out - of -
school factors.
By reference to cases including R (SB) v Governors of Denbigh High
School [2006] UKHL 15, Miss Behavin» Ltd v Belfast City Council [2007] UKHL 19, R (Stevens) v Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government [2013] EWHC 792 (Admin) and R (Nagre) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2013] EWHC 720 (Admin), Hickinbottom J expressed the view that the
differences between the approach required by ECHR jurisprudence and the traditional Wednesbury approach could be exaggerated and explained how a court should allow considerable deference to a decision, which on its face properly took into
account the human rights engaged.
On average, single - parent families had only half the income of two - parent families, and this
difference accounted for about half the gap
between the two sets of children in high
school dropout and nonmarital teen birth rates (in regression models that also controlled for race, sex, mother's and father's education, number of siblings, and residence).31
While I felt inspired by the possibilities of a parent - participation elementary
school, by the end of the
school year, I was struck by the marked
difference between my preschool teaching experience — that genuinely
accounted for whole child wellness and family partnership — and this experience with elementary education.
The main
difference, and this primarily impacts what marriage and family therapists study in
school and in supervised work situations, is that instead of dealing with emotions and behaviors
between one individual and his or her relation to a social group, marriage and family counselors have to take into
account the dynamic interplay
between two or more people in a relationship.