Sentences with phrase «differences of political»

The statements above actually do not single out any nationality, but rather differences of political beliefs within a nation.
Earth science is about studying the material world, and it seems hard to imagine why differences of political ideology should split that study.
A difference of political opinion WRT how to deal with «climate change» is turned into a «threat to national security».

Not exact matches

Meanwhile, as various pundits and historians across the globe debate if and how Trump's surprising political ascendancy will shift the overall tone of U.S. politics going forward, the candidate himself feels like only a win in November will make a difference.
Let me try — let's both of us try and push aside our political and philosophical differences.
A quarter of founders said that a job candidate's political affiliation would make a difference in whether or not they were offered a job.
Even if he does, a new round of political wrangling will open up as the Senate will have to proceed to negotiations with the House to iron out the differences between their very different bills.
There was no difference in the returns of insiders who had political connections and those who didn't in the period before the crisis, the researchers found.
Alison and I talk about the difference between an adversarial response and an empathetic one; how to develop the self - awareness needed to respond more empathetically in high - stress situations; and how the current political climate underscores the lack of empathy in most discussions today.
A critical difference with trade is that a protectionist viewpoint is something Trump has clung to strongly over the years even as much of the rest of his political «thinking» has evolved.
In addition to normal risks associated with equity investing, international investing may involve risk of capital loss from unfavorable fluctuations in currency values, from differences in generally accepted accounting principles, and from adverse political, social and economic instability in other nations.
The majority of banks responded that it wouldn't make any difference to their plans because it doesn't clarify anything and is still vulnerable to any number of political scenarios, including the potential collapse of May's government.
Kinder Morgan chief executive officer Steven Kean said that «a company can not litigate its way to an in - service pipeline amidst jurisdictional differences between governments» and that Kinder Morgan can't expose shareholders to «extraordinary political risks that are completely outside of our control and that could prevent completion of the project.»
Yet the shift in investment focus is part of a wider strategy, not just Woods» pursuit of political capital or his eagerness to show his differences from Tillerson.
DiscoverOrg's mission is to continually uncover new insights into what's on the minds of enterprise decision - makers, so with the 2016 U.S. presidential election, we couldn't resist the opportunity to examine the similarities and differences in their political leanings by surveying our database of corporate decision - makers.
Foreign investments can be riskier and more volatile than U.S. investments due to the adverse effects of currency exchange rates, differences in market structure and liquidity, as well as political and economic developments in foreign countries and regions (e.g., «Brexit»).
The nature of the insults have changed, but insults have been around forever and bad as they are, they sure beat people killing each other over political and religious differences, practices frequent in the past and common around the globe today.
Yet at this moment our nation joins with us in prayer and supplication that despite political differences within these chambers, and despite the fact that at times we may take for granted things that are unique to our American democracy, that we be united in hope and aspiration for the future of our nation... Our nation prays with us as we ask that our leaders be endowed with wisdom.
First of all, the book is not about «political differences that divide American evangelicals.»
Linguistic differences from 1 Peter, its apparent use of Jude, allusions to 2nd - century gnosticism, and more — does any of this so far sound like political correctness?
Getting lots of people to go to church (or to attend a convocation / political rally) isn't the same as making disciples of Jesus Christ, and Christian leaders would do well to remember the difference.
(Imagine how hurtful and frustrating such statements must be to Jewish Americans, many of whom had relatives who were actually killed in an actual genocide... a situation unspeakably more serious than a political difference!)
The problem is that a basic tenet of classical liberalism — a tenet generally accepted in the Western world by «liberals,» as well as by many «conservatives» — is that differences regarding fundamental principles of human nature and morality are not a threat to social and political life.
Universalism can begin with national loyalty, for nationalism is simply the result of the organization of a group of people in one political body, regardless of their differences in religion.
Very often this diversity is delineated entirely in terms of the sex, race, or ethnicity of the person or group speaking rather than any substantive difference in moral or political aims.
In part, these are reflected in denominational divisions, but many of the differences are cultural or to do with church order or caused by political influence, or they reflect different temperaments and patterns of worship.
It is, of course, true that RE as the English and Welsh Church conceive it, has suffered a political setback, a loss of territory: but what difference will that make to the cause of the Catholic faith?
Teeby: Of course man will always be focusing on differences, whether they be skin color, gender, se - xual orientation, political views, scientific views, etc..
Nevertheless, the faith that God is the Lord of history; that even atomic energy is God's energy to be used for human good and not for mutual destruction; that no nation is sovereign in its own right but that God alone is the sovereign Ruler of the world — such a faith makes a vast difference in the way we deal with political issues.
There is a big difference in Europe between the political and judicial branches of the European Parliament.
It is important to note the political basis of an economic system as one of our basic dichotomies because there is a very real difference in the foundation of a capitalism in which the rules governing the system are determined by a few — rules concerning wages, monopolies, taxation, use of natural resources, government benefits, etc. — and one in which these rules are determined by representatives who are chosen by the general populace.
(«Society and the State,» p. 11 f.) This difference between the strength of the political and the social principles is called the «political surplus» by Buber and is explained in terms of the difference in nature between «Administration» and «Government.»
Fundamental to this difference between Sojourners and The Reformed Journal over political involvement and strategy is a conflicting understanding of hermeneutics.
The linchpin of Professor Rawls» criticism of the «rationalist believers» was his claim that they deny what he called «the fact of reasonable pluralism,» namely, in circumstances of political and religious freedom it is to be expected that there will emerge serious differences of opinion among reasonable people on important moral and theological questions.
This whiggish outlook — that government has responsibility for the morality of its youth because morality is necessarily reflected in behavior — was not (and is not) just a partisan difference, although then (as now) the viewpoint was stronger in one political party.
Despite the difference between this form of political theology and that which had been discussed earlier, Hans Maier suggested that there are analogous weaknesses.
There are important theological differences among these three leaders of political theology, and it will be necessary to discuss some of them.
Jürgen Moltmann, on the other hand, emphasized the difference between the new and the old meanings of political theology depicting what had earlier been called political theology as the ideology of political religion, which is the symbolic integration of the beliefs of a people through which they sanction and sanctify their traditions and their ambitions.12 Moltmann strongly supports Peterson in his critique of political theology in this sense.13 It is the task of what is properly called political theology — in Metz's sense — to unmask the pretenses of political religions.
Early in its history divisions occurred on the basis of national, political, cultural, and religious differences.
Indeed, the tendency of American political institutions to produce centrist political solutions is probably usefully offset by the cultural tendency of movement - style politics to inflate ideological differences into «war.»
Mainliners may be predisposed to this opinion because of theological and political differences between the two groups.
Nothing unifies political parties like the presence of a formidable enemy, and Republicans, whatever their internal differences, can agree that the most expansive liberal agenda since the New Deal and the Great Society must be opposed without reservation.
Nothing in the Constitution prevents the conclusion that sizable differences in financial resources do or may compromise equality of access to the political debate.
India, Ulster, Bosnia and Sudan serve as potent reminders of just how volatile a mixture moral commitments and political differences can be.
He engaged, therefore, in a lengthy discussion of the «dominion» mandate of Genesis 1, the nature and extent of the fall into sin, the difference between parental and political authority, the creational status of women, and the biblical portrayal of the origins of national identities.
There will always be differences of judgment in the Christian group on specific political and social issues.
The first of these is suggested above in the difference yet convergence of nation and State — that is, of people and political authority.
Apart from the assertion that socioeconomic and political structures transmit the effects of pride and sloth to successive generations, there is no investigation of the differences and connections between individual and social sin.
To state the political requirement in this way illustrates the difference of this approach to Christian social philosophy from the attempt to create the Good Society according to an ideal plan.
The difference between me and evangelicals is that MY political agenda doesn't spring from a set of moral codes I am trying to jam down someone's throat.
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