Sentences with phrase «early traditions which»

Thus, if we use the now standard symbol of «J,» «E,» and «P» to designate the three most conspicuous narrative strands inter-woven in Exodus (as well as in Genesis and Numbers), we will think of «J» as the recording of early traditions which remained current and fluid down to the tenth century B.C., when the J - work was done by a single man (in this respect probably unique among the three primary sources).

It may reflect a comparatively early tradition which developed when it was thought that crucifixion led immediately to exaltation.

Not exact matches

I can't speak for James Kugel, who as I observed in my essay tends to overdraw the contrast between what we can reliably know historically (as opposed to the often agenda - driven projects of modern critics) and the ways in which the Bible was read in the earlier traditions.

The history of Italian unification» Italian fascism having more than a decade's existence as a special place in radicalism; the role of the papacy in severely constraining manifest forms of statist rule; the cultural tradition of Italian major cities, which had autonomous forms of city development; and the weaknesses of Italy with respect to economic concentrations of power in the early twentieth century» all argue against a muscular totalitarianism.

To appreciate the significance of Calvin's work ethic, it is necessary to understand the intense distaste with which the early Christian tradition, illustrated by the monastic writers, regarded work.

You will observe that not one of the books of the Old Testament (in its finished form) is of earlier date than the eighth century BC Before that time there existed traditions handed down by word of mouth, and various documentary records and compositions, which were used by later writers.

Beyond the considerable body of research that has emerged in the past three decades which demonstrates that women played a far more generous role in the early Church than perhaps Neuhaus has imagined, my own Wesleyan holiness tradition has apparently escaped his ecumenical vision as well for it was already ordaining women in the nineteenth century.

Even the greatest statement of the early Enlightenment's tradition of toleration, John Locke's 1689 «Letter Concerning Toleration,» which is much more subtle on this point, draws a distinction that's relevant today.

The simple fact that we have a canon of Scripture, which was compiled and organized by various early Church Fathers, and became a tradition, shows that we must, to some degree, accept and depend upon some forms of Church Ttradition, shows that we must, to some degree, accept and depend upon some forms of Church TraditionTradition.

Is this simply a hold - over from an earlier day which the general conservatism of the educational world perpetuates because it has become a sacred tradition, or is there something in the study of literature which, regardless of the field of specialization into which one goes, makes it of vital importance?

Among the criteria that scholars use, one of the most problematic is, paradoxically, also one of the best» the principle of embarrassment, which claims that those traditions about Jesus that would have been most embarrassing to the early Church have the greatest possibility of being true.

«For early Christianity Scripture is no longer just what is written, nor is it just tradition; it is the dynamic and divinely determined declaration of God which speaks of His whole rule and therefore of His destroying and new creating, and which reaches its climax in the revelation of Christ and the revelation of the Spirit by the risen Lord... The full revelation in Christ and the Spirit is more than what is written» (TDNT I: 761).

It reflected the early modern impulse to submit Scripture to reason more than it harmonized with early church tradition, which regarded a literal six - day creation as unnecessary to Christian orthodoxy.»

How is it possible at a time like the present, when the whole world is at war, to sit down calmly and consider such a subject as the Earliest Gospel, to study the evangelic tradition at the stage in which it first took literary form, to discuss such fine points as the emergence of a particular theology in early Christianity or the transition from primitive Christian messianism to the normative doctrine of later creeds, confessions, hymns, and prayers?

The document recognizes a certain problem in that «Scripture comprises a variety of diverse traditions, some of which reflect tensions in interpretation within the early Judeo - Christian heritage.»

In particular, we may note that there are three points at which the Kingdom teaching of the synoptic tradition tends to differ both from Judaism and from the early Church as represented by the remainder of the New Testament: in the use of the expression Kingdom of God for (1) the final act of God in visiting and redeeming his people and (2) as a comprehensive term for the blessings of salvation, i.e. things secured by that act of God, and (3) in speaking of the Kingdom as «coming».

In all probability, it was the vividness of the memory of that pre-Easter fellowship between the disciples and the earthly Jesus that provided the pattern for the development of that remarkable sense of fellowship between the early Christians and the risen Lord which is such a feature of primitive Christianity — and which has had such an effect on the Jesus tradition.

On these grounds Matt.11.12 has a very strong claim to authenticity: it stands in the earliest stratum of this particular tradition and it reflects the attitude of Jesus to John rather than that of the early Church, to which he was at best the Forerunner (Mark 9.

Although predating the work of Dayton and Wacker, Robert Anderson's Vision of the Disinherited (1979) correctly identifies the premillennial return of Christ as the central focus which enabled Pentecostalism to emerge as a movement distinct from the earlier traditions.

Its narratives Contain many echoes of the stories in Mark and some of those which occur in Luke, and the evangelist has modified and added to the earlier traditions (his Gospel is generally agreed to be the latest of the four) in such a way as to make them the vehicle for a great body of deep religious truth.

This episode is, no doubt, the same as that appearance to Peter which comes first in Paul's list in Corinthians, and is thus part of the very early tradition.

Even now the case is not iron - clad — nothing in this area can be — but we would claim that it is reasonable to assume a basic (Aramaic) saying which belongs to the earliest strata of the tradition and is used by Luke.

and it has two of the hallmarks of the differences between the synoptic tradition and Judaism and the early Church respectively, which we have argued are derived from the teaching of Jesus: a use of Kingdom of God in reference to the eschatological activity of God (S. Aalen, ««Reign» and «House»...», NTS 8, 229ff.

After Popes Gregory XVI, Pius IX, and Leo XIII corrected the Kantianism and Hegelianism of some early - nineteenth century Catholic intellectuals» namely Georg Hermes and Anton Günther» a tradition - oriented ethos developed in which Catholic thinkers, by and large, resisted the temptations of modernity and instead harvested the wisdom rooted in ancient and medieval sources.

the truth of God can be or has been captured in the ex-cathedra utterances of the bishop of Rome — the idolatry of many who like to pretend that ultimate truth has been captured in the ecumenical councils of the early church, in the historic creeds, or in the «unbroken tradition of the catholic faith,» which usually is the same thing as the speaker's special prejudice.

Even after the birth of the church in Acts 2, the vast majority of the early Christians were Jewish, and most of the Gentiles who converted were «God fearers» which means that they knew and respected the teachings of Judaism, and even followed many of the Jewish traditions and practices (cf. Acts 10:2).

The existence of an old local tradition and of families whose ancestry seems ancient and indigenous, rather than of foreign immigrant trading stock, are factors which suggest the possibility of an early evangelist in the country, but the dependence of all traditions on the Edessene Church prevents us considering those factors conclusive proof that this early evangelist was St. Thomas.

A close Nerbal study of such writings as the Epistle of James, the First Epistle of John, and the ethical sections of most of the Pauline Epistles, is needed to show how deeply embedded in the teaching of the early Church was the tradition of the words of Jesus which gave authority to it all.

While some early traditions speak of Aggai, a disciple of Addai as the missionary to Parthia, there are other traditions which speak of both Aggai and Mari (another disciple of Addai) as those who brought the gospel first to Parthia.

All of this in an historical succession in which the past of the tradition still lives in the present of contemporary human existence, with an aim toward fulfillment of the dominant and dominating purpose which in the earliest witness was declared as having been enacted in the originating event of Jesus Christ himself.

The Christian documents of the second and later centuries which contained information about the Apostolic age handed down by tradition, must also be regarded as providing a very limited help for the reconstruction of the history of the earliest period.

And back of the earliest written Gospel, which partly presupposes this view, partly expresses it, lies the tradition of the primitive Christian communities.

The gospel which a preacher is to proclaim is to be seen as a bold affirmation, based upon the earliest Christian witness and the confirmation of that witness in the agelong Christian tradition, that we humans are loved, that we can be delivered from the lovelessness which makes us miserable and lonely, and that we can be enabled to return love even if very inadequately and partially.

He went up, John says, «not publicly, but almost in secret,» as if he wished to observe without being observed, taking the temperature of feeling in metropolitan circles.2 But «when the festival was already half over» he was moved to address the crowds in the temple.3 What he said so incensed them that he was in danger of being lynched.4 In the Fourth Gospel this episode is made, after John's manner, the setting for a whole series of dialogues and discourses which are evidently his own composition, though they contain undoubted reminiscences of earlier tradition, but there seems no valid reason to reject his statement that in September or October Jesus was in Jerusalem, and that the reception he met with finally convinced him — whatever premonitions he may previously have entertained — that any advance on the city would meet with implacable hostility.

The event is a remarkably colorful occasion for the church, which says it follows the beliefs of the «primitive» or early Christian traditions.

Jürgen Moltmann, on the other hand, emphasized the difference between the new and the old meanings of political theology depicting what had earlier been called political theology as the ideology of political religion, which is the symbolic integration of the beliefs of a people through which they sanction and sanctify their traditions and their ambitions.12 Moltmann strongly supports Peterson in his critique of political theology in this sense.13 It is the task of what is properly called political theology — in Metz's sense — to unmask the pretenses of political religions.

It is widely recognized that when Paul wrote to the Corinthians on this subject about the middle of the first century, he was quoting a well - established credal formula which he had received from early Christian tradition and which ran, «Christ died for our sins, in accordance with the scriptures; he was buried; he was raised to life on the third day, according to the scriptures.»

Unlike many scholars, he thinks that a Secret Gospel of Mark was edited to produce the later canonical Gospel of Mark, and that behind the Gospel of Peter lies a «Cross Gospel» which provides our earliest tradition about Jesus» passion.

C. F. Evans sums up by saying, «It is plain that Matthew's final chapter furnishes neither reliable historical information nor early Christian tradition about the resurrection, but only an example of later christological belief as it had developed in one area of the church, and of the apologetic which had been conducted in that area in the face of Jewish attacks.

In spite of the diversity in the resurrection narratives there is one important common theme which C. F. Evans draws to our attention when he says, «The one element which the traditions, in all their variety, have in common is that the appearance of the risen Lord issued in an explicit command to evangelize the world, yet the early decades of the history of the church, in so far as they are known to us, make it difficult to suppose that the apostles were aware of any such command.»

The story it contains of the risen Jesus and his disciples beside the sea of Galilee may also stem from a quite early tradition, which took shape before the period when Easter stories came to be confined to Jerusalem.

This is natural, since the tradition had undergone considerable development before it was embodied in our canonical Gospels, and during this time it had been exposed to the influence of what we may call the «futurist eschatology,» as distinct from the» realized eschatology» which gives its character to the earliest preaching, as well as to the earliest tradition of the teaching of Jesus.

When read this way, I am constantly impressed by the degree to which these early Christians were willing to sacrifice beliefs and traditions they held dear for the sake of love and for the sake of advancing the gospel.

Here we propose a second criterion, which we will call «the criterion of coherence»: material from the earliest strata of the tradition may be accepted as authentic if it can be shown to cohere with material established as authentic by means of the criterion of dissimilarity.»

which clearly shows that there existed in the early Church what we shall call an eschatological judgment pronouncement tradition having its roots in Christian prophecy and its Sitz im Leben in the Eucharist.

So, in any single instance, or in any number of instances, it must always be considered possible that the tradition which the first written gospel source has used has lived on to affect the later gospel traditions in cases where they have used the earlier written source.

The Gospels, of course, represent Jesus as being fully aware of his messiahship, but the fact that this awareness is more conspicuous in the later than in the earlier Gospels and, particularly, that in Mark the messiahship is a secret which at first no one and later only a few shared — this fact strongly suggests that the tradition that Jesus was conscious of being the Messiah developed in the church in response to its own faith in his messiahship, and does not truly represent Jesus» actual conception of himself.

Reviewing the exegetical search of the early writers involves, then, for those of us who have come into the inheritance of these traditions, the responsibility not only to interact with these inherited traditions, but also to interpret these in the context of the «extratextual hermeneutics that is slowly emerging as a distinctive Asian contribution to theological methodology [which] seeks to transcend the textual, historical, and religious boundaries of Christian tradition and cultivate a deeper contact with the mysterious ways in which people of all religious persuasions have defined and appropriated humanity and divinity.»

But when the later Gospels were written, the generation which had known the primitive tradition at first hand had passed, and the empty tomb seemed as early as any other part of the tradition.

But if this can be said of the Gospels, it is much more clearly true of the earlier tradition upon which the Gospel writers depended.