"Economic nationalism" refers to a government's focus on protecting and promoting its own country's industries and economy before considering the global economy. It involves implementing policies like trade barriers or favoring domestic companies to support the interests and growth of one's own nation.
Full definition
«Globalization is still a strong force in real estate, despite the recent rise
of economic nationalism worldwide,» says Rossell.
An innovation revolution is taking hold across the globe, even
as economic nationalism is on the rise in some places.
The horribly timed attempt by home improvement giant Lowe's to acquire Rona
ensured economic nationalism featured prominently in Quebec's provincial election campaign.
The team believe that a «further rotation is likely as deflation ends and inflation, fiscal stimulus and
economic nationalism begin.»
Notice the acceleration (greater in the past ten years)-- except for 1913 to 1950, that era of deglobalization, of protection, of foreign policy governed by notions of
economic nationalism now recommended by many progressives and conservatives together, and of the wars that come from the mercantilism of Lebensraum and the East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere, the politics of a noneconomic economics popular among realists.
If people understood how generous the engine has been, they would have less enthusiasm for protectionism or socialism or environmentalism or
economic nationalism in any of their varied forms.
Let us practice what is
called Economic Nationalism where government allows certain parts of the economy to be controlled by Nigerians and Africans.
As Eugene Rumer and Rajan Menon note in their 2015 book Conflict in Ukraine, Putin's focus on
creating economic nationalism has encouraged the Russian military to produce arms domestically without regard for cost.
It's ironic, the fear mongering propaganda surrounding nationalism in the U.S., but those
espousing economic nationalism are constitutionalists who believe in separation of powers.
The underlying impetus for the U.S. threat to NAFTA is a
growing economic nationalism that has fueled an unapologetic «America First» platform.
Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross has proven himself to be one of President Trump's greatest allies in the quest
for economic nationalism with his defiance of the Washington, D.C.
His policies on immigration and potential protectionist measures like a border tariff also support Bank of America's theme
of economic nationalism.
Where the «Davos» man lived in a world of secular stagnation, regulation and globalization, the world of All - American «Joe Six - Pack» is one of recovery, deregulation and
economic nationalism.
Bannon repeatedly used the phrase «
economic nationalism» and posited that Trump's withdrawal from the Trans - Pacific Partnership trade agreement was «one of the most pivotal moments in modern American history.»
Riding on the high tide of
economic nationalism — that is, anti-free-trade and anti-globalization stances — Trump has strong electoral incentives to resist, and even to undermine, Chinese initiatives to expand trade and investment.
This rules - based system is being challenged by the return of
economic nationalism and trade wars.
As President Donald Trump takes the country closer to
an economic nationalism that calls for tearing up agreements like NAFTA and the Trans - Pacific Partnership, potentially enacting higher tariffs on imports and obsessing over trade deficits, it is worth reflecting on a similar debate that inflamed the electorate 130 years ago.
President Trump's new «
economic nationalism» and anti-China rhetoric empowered these business sentiments, reflected by Trump's recent veto of Canyon Bridge's proposed acquisition of Lattice Semiconductor.
And they express confidence that global organizations like the WTO, IMF and World Bank will forestall protectionism and
economic nationalism, and they engage in endless meetings to promote free trade as well as global standards and cooperation for handling the deepening financial crisis.
Trump's attempt to impose his vision of
economic nationalism has largely gone nowhere because of pushback within his own administration (though he did recently slap a 30 percent tariff on solar panel imports).
If we take the latter position, we need to articulate the implications of our faith as clearly as true believers in free trade have stated theirs and as Buchanan has articulated the requirements of
economic nationalism.
This requires standing up against those who speak of retrenchment, protectionism, and
economic nationalism.
His slim volume The Storm: The World Economic Crisis and what it Means (Atlantic # 14.99) offers an analysis crisis, with a warning that the worst possible response is protectionism and
economic nationalism.
Hungary: Fidesz is the party in power whose ideology includes Hungarian nationalism, National conservatism and
economic nationalism.
Poland: Main party in power is Law and Justice whose ideology includes Polish nationalism, National conservatism and
economic nationalism.
In an interview with CBS's 60 Minutes on Sunday, Bannon said, «
Economic nationalism is what this country was built on.»
And for those who keep making a comparison between the events of today, especially the rise of
economic nationalism, and the events of the 1930's, I will suggest that a more apt comparison is the 15th and 16th centuries, where you had the continuing conflicts between England and France, France and Burgundy, and the economic rivalries of the Italian city states of Florence, Genoa, and Venice.
Economic nationalism isn't national socialism.
As China and the United States both brandish a new form of
economic nationalism, they risk disrupting the system, without necessarily achieving their goals.