Sentences with phrase «economic policy failures»

Not exact matches

Important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those reflected in such forward - looking statements and that should be considered in evaluating our outlook include, but are not limited to, the following: 1) our ability to continue to grow our business and execute our growth strategy, including the timing, execution, and profitability of new and maturing programs; 2) our ability to perform our obligations under our new and maturing commercial, business aircraft, and military development programs, and the related recurring production; 3) our ability to accurately estimate and manage performance, cost, and revenue under our contracts, including our ability to achieve certain cost reductions with respect to the B787 program; 4) margin pressures and the potential for additional forward losses on new and maturing programs; 5) our ability to accommodate, and the cost of accommodating, announced increases in the build rates of certain aircraft; 6) the effect on aircraft demand and build rates of changing customer preferences for business aircraft, including the effect of global economic conditions on the business aircraft market and expanding conflicts or political unrest in the Middle East or Asia; 7) customer cancellations or deferrals as a result of global economic uncertainty or otherwise; 8) the effect of economic conditions in the industries and markets in which we operate in the U.S. and globally and any changes therein, including fluctuations in foreign currency exchange rates; 9) the success and timely execution of key milestones such as the receipt of necessary regulatory approvals, including our ability to obtain in a timely fashion any required regulatory or other third party approvals for the consummation of our announced acquisition of Asco, and customer adherence to their announced schedules; 10) our ability to successfully negotiate, or re-negotiate, future pricing under our supply agreements with Boeing and our other customers; 11) our ability to enter into profitable supply arrangements with additional customers; 12) the ability of all parties to satisfy their performance requirements under existing supply contracts with our two major customers, Boeing and Airbus, and other customers, and the risk of nonpayment by such customers; 13) any adverse impact on Boeing's and Airbus» production of aircraft resulting from cancellations, deferrals, or reduced orders by their customers or from labor disputes, domestic or international hostilities, or acts of terrorism; 14) any adverse impact on the demand for air travel or our operations from the outbreak of diseases or epidemic or pandemic outbreaks; 15) our ability to avoid or recover from cyber-based or other security attacks, information technology failures, or other disruptions; 16) returns on pension plan assets and the impact of future discount rate changes on pension obligations; 17) our ability to borrow additional funds or refinance debt, including our ability to obtain the debt to finance the purchase price for our announced acquisition of Asco on favorable terms or at all; 18) competition from commercial aerospace original equipment manufacturers and other aerostructures suppliers; 19) the effect of governmental laws, such as U.S. export control laws and U.S. and foreign anti-bribery laws such as the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the United Kingdom Bribery Act, and environmental laws and agency regulations, both in the U.S. and abroad; 20) the effect of changes in tax law, such as the effect of The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (the «TCJA») that was enacted on December 22, 2017, and changes to the interpretations of or guidance related thereto, and the Company's ability to accurately calculate and estimate the effect of such changes; 21) any reduction in our credit ratings; 22) our dependence on our suppliers, as well as the cost and availability of raw materials and purchased components; 23) our ability to recruit and retain a critical mass of highly - skilled employees and our relationships with the unions representing many of our employees; 24) spending by the U.S. and other governments on defense; 25) the possibility that our cash flows and our credit facility may not be adequate for our additional capital needs or for payment of interest on, and principal of, our indebtedness; 26) our exposure under our revolving credit facility to higher interest payments should interest rates increase substantially; 27) the effectiveness of any interest rate hedging programs; 28) the effectiveness of our internal control over financial reporting; 29) the outcome or impact of ongoing or future litigation, claims, and regulatory actions; 30) exposure to potential product liability and warranty claims; 31) our ability to effectively assess, manage and integrate acquisitions that we pursue, including our ability to successfully integrate the Asco business and generate synergies and other cost savings; 32) our ability to consummate our announced acquisition of Asco in a timely matter while avoiding any unexpected costs, charges, expenses, adverse changes to business relationships and other business disruptions for ourselves and Asco as a result of the acquisition; 33) our ability to continue selling certain receivables through our supplier financing program; 34) the risks of doing business internationally, including fluctuations in foreign current exchange rates, impositions of tariffs or embargoes, compliance with foreign laws, and domestic and foreign government policies; and 35) our ability to complete the proposed accelerated stock repurchase plan, among other things.

As United States low - intensity - conflict strategy succeeds in making life miserable for all Nicaraguans the press can be expected to report on economic hardship as evidence of the failure of the revolution without describing such hardship as the intent and result of United States policy.

In this particular instance it is not very difficult to imagine scenarios in the not - too - distant future in which there might occur resurgences of socialist policies and ideals: the failure of neo-capitalist regimes in developing societies and / or the formerly Communist countries in Europe to achieve economic take - off; the insight granted to sundry dictators and despots that, while socialism invariably immiserates the masses, it is a very good recipe for enriching those who claim to hold power as the vanguard of the masses; the «creeping socialism» (still an aptly descriptive term) brought on by massive government intervention in the economy in the name of some societal good, e.g., there could be an environmentalist road to socialism, or a feminist one, or one constructed (perhaps inadvertently) with some other building blocks of politically managed regulations and entitlements; or, last but not least, the actual restoration of socialism, by coup or by voting, in a number of countries, beginning with Russia.

It is clear that the government's economic policies are a total failure.

With the arguable failure of those policies in the economic domain, the brand eventually lost its value in the public eye.

The government has maintained the move is to enhance policy credibility and not an admission of failure on the economic front.

The economic and political failures of the 70s encouraged a perception, in both parties, that the policies of the post-war era had run their course.

Peter Kilfoyle thinks my co-authoring an evidence - rich policy paper on urban regeneration's failure to generate economic convergence in places such as Liverpool and Hull means that I live «in a parallel universe» (TP Debate, April).

Also the serious economic framework McDonnell has announced can restore Labour's economic credibility — the key policy failure that lost it the 2015 General Election.

More disappointing is the failure of the party to make any impact on coalition policy where it most matters, in economic policy.

Astorino, the Westchester County executive, gave a strong indication of what his speech will contain late last week at an evening meeting of the state Business Council, where he delivered a scathing and apparently effective critique of Cuomo's economic policies, current New York economic conditions and the failure of the business community to fight for necessary reforms that left several Cuomo backers clearly uncomfortable, some in attendance said.

That's right, the man setting Labour's economic policies sees the UK's failure as key to his own success.

[23]: 14 — 15 The impetus for this development arose from a desire to avoid repeating the economic failures of the early 1930s, which neoliberals mostly blamed on the economic policy of classical liberalism.

Others maintain the state's economic development efforts remain stuck in a cycle of failure, the byproduct of both market forces and government policy.

In a 2011 speech to the Conservative Political Action Conference, Romney berated Obama for failed economic policies, saying afterward that he's «seen the failure of liberal answers before... liberal education policies fail our children today because they put pensions and privileges for the union bosses above our kids.»

Contents of the slides include... A) Causes of labour market failure - Monopsony - Trade unions - Unemployment - Economic inactivity - Segmented labour markets - Discrimination - Skill shortages - Immobility of labour - geographical and occupational immobility - Information failure B) Assessing Labour Market Policies - Education and training - Information provision - Regional policy - National minimum wage - Strengthening trade union power - Leaving to the free market

Published: Hanushek, Eric A. «The Failure Of Input - Based Schooling Policies,» Economic Journal, 2003, v113 (485, Feb), F64 - F98.

The prominence of climate risk and policy in the minds of business leaders is reflected in the World Economic Forum's Global Risks Report 2016, which found that the risk with the greatest potential impact is a failure of climate change mitigation and adaptation.

The evidence for this widespread failure to understand the practical significance of seeing climate change as a moral issue includes the almost universal failure of the press or advocates of climate change policies to ask those governments, businesses, organizations, or individuals who oppose national climate change policies on the grounds of national economic cost alone whether they deny that in addition to national economic interest nations must comply with their obligations, duties, and responsibilities to prevent harm to millions of poor, vulnerable people around the world.

It is so sad that Australian politicians are unable to listen to the many first class Australian scientists who point out the complete failure of the CAGW meme and instead rely on Flannery etc. to guide suicidal economic and energy policies.

Increased bogus taxes and no energy policy, a combination for economic failure.

«Among the obvious problems are the failure to cost key policies, the effective abandonment of the 5 % emissions reduction target and bogus assumptions about an economic dividend from the removal of the carbon price.

Again and again proponents of action on climate change have responded to economic arguments against taking action to reduce the threat of climate change by making counter economic arguments such as climate change policies will produce new jobs or reduce adverse economic impacts that will follow from the failure to reduce the threat of climate change.

The evidence for this widespread failure to understand the practical significance of seeing climate change as a moral issue includes the almost universal failure of the press or advocates of climate change policies to ask businesses, organizations, or individuals who oppose national climate change policies on the grounds of economic cost alone, whether they deny that, in addition to economic interests, nations must comply with their obligations, duties, and responsibilities to prevent harm to millions of poor, vulnerable people around the world.

For instance, if the the US not only has economic interests in the climate change policies in political debate but also obligations and duties to poor vulnerable nations to not cause them great harm from US ghg emissions, the United States may not justify failure to act to reduce its ghg emissions on the basis of economic cost to the US.

A study by the Natural Resources Defense Council does not examine any specific legislation, but instead cites extensive research to develop an alternative business - as - usual economic and climate forecast to draw attention to the consequences of failure to implement comprehensive GHG emissions control policies.

Reinhardt, F., 1999: Market failure and the environmental policies of firms, economic rationales for «beyond compliance» behavior.

The reason for this failure is well explained by Roger Pielke's «Iron Law of Climate Policy»: When policies for economic growth collide with emissions reduction policies, economic growth always wins.

As far as I know, Pigovian taxes are still a topic in first year college economic courses, covered as part of «market failures» and economic policy approaches, etc..

The bleed of jobs can not continue, and we believe that an assertive and clear look at the funding and economic threat of the Green Energy Act will bear striking similarities to the international failure of wind power and Green Energy policies.

The chapter suggests that failure to co-ordinate the goals of native title negotiations with these broader policies aimed at addressing the economic and social development of Indigenous people, not only limits the native title process; it also limits the capacity of the broader Indigenous policy to achieve its objectives.

The failure of the Commonwealth to direct the negotiation of native title agreements towards the economic, social and cultural development of the group puts native title policy development at odds with the Commonwealth's broader Indigenous policy direction.

While there is a failure by many States to fully develop policy objectives for native title negotiations, this policy gap could be filled if States were willing to align native title negotiations with the economic and social development objectives contained in their broader Indigenous policies.

The failure to co-ordinate the goals of native title negotiations with the State's strategies to address the economic and social development of Indigenous people not only limits the native title process; it also limits the capacity of the broader policy to achieve its objectives.

The failure in Australia to perceive native title and land rights as the basis on which to address Indigenous economic and social development has been evident at legal, policy and administrative levels.

This is evidenced by the failure to coordinate native title policy objectives with those that are directed to the economic development of Indigenous people.

The failure to co-ordinate the goals of native title negotiations with the State's strategies to address the economic and social development of Indigenous people not only isolates the native title process from these broader policy objectives; it limits the capacity of the broader policy to achieve its objectives.

The failure to co-ordinate the goals of native title negotiations with the State's strategies to address the economic and social development of Indigenous people generally not only isolates the native title process from broader policy objectives; it limits the capacity of those broader policies to achieve their objective of addressing the economic and social conditions of Indigenous people's lives.

While there is a failure by many governments to fully develop policy objectives for native title negotiations, this policy gap could be filled if they were willing to align native title negotiations with the economic and social development objectives contained in their broader Indigenous policies.

The failure to co-ordinate the goals of native title negotiations with the State's strategies to address the economic and social development of Indigenous people not only isolates the native title process from broader policy objectives; it limits the capacity of those broader policies to achieve their objective of addressing the economic and social conditions of Indigenous people's lives.