Sentences with phrase «effects of child maltreatment»

The effects of child maltreatment and polymorphisms of the serotonin transporter and dopamine D4 receptor genes and infant attachment and intervention efficacy

Previous research has investigated the deleterious effects of child maltreatment on child development; however, little research has examined the development of children who live with caregivers who are at risk of maltreatment on child development outcomes.

Therefore, it is important in primary research to thoroughly conduct follow - up evaluations of considerable length, as the true effects of child maltreatment interventions may be particularly expressed in follow - up rather than in post-treatment evaluations.

Lastly, long - term effects of child maltreatment should be studied more closely.

Mobility as a mediator of the effects of child maltreatment on academic performance.

Boys Will Be Boys: Understanding the Impact of Child Maltreatment and Family Violence on the Sexual, Reproductive, and Parenting Behaviors of Young Men (PDF - 793 KB) Kahn & Paluzzi (2006) Describes the long - term effects of child maltreatment and family violence on males, and discusses the roles of practitioners, policymakers, advocates, and educators in addressing these issues.

Although there are studies of home visiting that report effects of child maltreatment on child and family outcomes, relatively few of them use rigorous methods that support drawing causal inferences about effectiveness.

This paper reviews the literature on the psychological effects of child maltreatment.

Contextual factors, notably the family environment and wider community, are also important because they may moderate the developmental effects of child maltreatment, thereby accounting for some of the heterogeneity in the outcomes associated with abuse and neglect (Zielinski and Bradshaw, 2006; Berry, 2007); the extent to which children who get hit experience impaired health or development depends on its frequency and whether it occurs in a low - warmth / high - criticism environment (DoH, 1995).

Children who have been abused or neglected need safe and nurturing relationships that address the effects of child maltreatment.

Although there are studies of home visiting that report effects of child maltreatment on child and family outcomes, relatively few of them use rigorous methods that support drawing causal inferences about effectiveness.

(NBER Working Paper No. 12171), authors Janet Currie and Erdal Tekin focus on the effect of child maltreatment on crime using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health).

As we identified seven outlying effect sizes (see above), we performed a sensitivity analysis in which we estimated an overall effect of child maltreatment interventions using the data in which the outlying effect sizes were excluded.

In addition, we estimated the overall effect of child maltreatment interventions excluding the results of pilot / feasibility studies, because these studies are more likely to show an effect that is larger than effects produced by well - powered trials.

Following the guidelines of Lipsey and Wilson (2001), a coding scheme was developed to code all study design and intervention characteristics that could moderate the effect of child maltreatment interventions.

So, the effects extracted from primary studies included in this meta - analysis may not be an adequate representation of the actual effect of child maltreatment interventions.

Not exact matches

Studies of home visiting's effectiveness as an intervention designed to prevent child maltreatment demonstrate some promise, but compared to the number of studies conducted that measure child maltreatment, risk for maltreatment, or protective factors, there are far more findings of no effects than reductions in maltreatment and improvements in child and family well - being.

Although an NFP study conducted when children were 4 years old showed no effect, 18 another study found reductions in substantiated reports of child maltreatment 15 years after enrollment.19 Across a number of HFA studies there was no evidence of near - term effects on substantiated reports, 20,21,22,23 and there were no longer - term follow - up studies.

In many instances, the quality of the research is not sufficient to draw conclusions about the effects of a given model on child maltreatment.8

Meta - analyses of studies evaluating these programs show positive effects on the competence, efficacy and psychological health of the parents, as well as on the behaviour of the children.49, 50 A recent implementation study of a strategy for parenting and family support showed that families in the treatment group had far fewer cases of substantiated child maltreatment, abuse injuries and out - of - home placements.51

Although research began to accumulate in the 1970s that showed that most physical abuse is physical punishment (in intent, form and effect), studies of child maltreatment have since clarified this finding.

We focus on this time period because young children have significantly higher rates of exposure to maltreatment compared with older children and early maltreatment is thought to have particularly harmful effects on a child's development.

Combining baseline adjustments, treatment attenuation effects, and prior preschool attendance attenuation effects, we assume that non-low-income children experience 42 percent of the reduction in the need for special education, 21 percent of the decline in grade retention, 12 percent of the reduction in child maltreatment, 42 percent of the drop in juvenile and adult crime, 26 percent of the lessening of depression, and 37 percent of the decrease in smoking experienced by low - income children.28

In general, the research shows that home visiting programs have the greatest, albeit still modest, effect on parents» support for children's learning and in reducing the prevalence of child maltreatment, but that these effects are strongest for the most disadvantaged program participants.

This includes improved birth, health and child development outcomes, and reductions in child maltreatment.15 A number of SNHV programmes have also shown favourable effects on healthcare usage, including rates of well - child healthcare visits.15

Results of generalized estimating equation analysis examining the effect of maltreatment, the 5 - HTTLPR genotype, and frequency of contact with the child's primary support (WALD type 3 statistic)

It should be noted, however, that Joanne Klevens and Daniel Whittaker conclude that many child abuse prevention programs that address a broad range of risk factors have not been carefully evaluated and that those that have been evaluated have generally been found to have little effect on child maltreatment or its risk factors.33

Group status (maltreatment vs. CC), 5 - HTTLPR genotype (l / l vs. l / s vs. s / s), and social supports (high vs. low) were all significant predictors of children's depression scores in the GEE analysis (P < 0.05, all main effects).

Fig. 1 depicts the main effects of maltreatment, genotype, and social supports in predicting children's depression scores.

A diagnosis of psychological maltreatment is facilitated when a documented event or series of events has had a significant adverse effect on the child's psychological functioning.

The second 3 columns depict the main effects of maltreatment, controlling for ecological and child risk factors.

He cautions that many of the interventions have not been carefully evaluated and those that have been have shown little effect on child maltreatment or its risk factors.

Rutter & Quinton (1977) found that factors existing in children's social environment were linked to health - risk behaviors later in life, and were the first researchers to describe neglect, abuse, and other forms of maltreatment (what would later be considered adverse childhood experiences, or ACEs) in terms of their cumulative effect, range of adversity, and wide - reaching impact on both mental and physical health over the course of an individual's lifetime.

The effect of the nurses and paraprofessionals on responsive mother - child interaction indicates that the program was operating as intended in helping parents provide more sensitive and responsive care for their children, which is thought to promote secure attachment and healthy emotional and behavioral development.49 The reductions in subsequent pregnancies and increases in interpregnancy intervals are particularly important as short interpregnancy intervals increase the risk of child maltreatment (including infant homicide among teen parents) 50 and compromise families» economic self - sufficiency.51

The concentration of beneficial nurse effects on the emotional, language, and mental development of children born to mothers with low psychological resources in the current trial is consistent with corresponding nurse effects on child abuse, neglect, and injuries among children born to low - resource mothers in earlier trials of this program.10, 17,19 The vulnerable and low - vitality emotion classifications are relevant to child maltreatment.

Indeed, Jay Belsky incorporated all of these risk factors into his process model of parenting, 11 and data from multiple studies support links to child well - being.12 In an experiment on the effectiveness of a program for low - birth - weight infants, Lawrence Berger and Jeanne Brooks - Gunn examined the relative effect of both socioeconomic status and parenting on child abuse and neglect (as measured by ratings of health providers who saw children in the treatment and control groups six times over the first three years of life, not by review of administrative data) and found that both factors contributed significantly and uniquely to the likelihood that a family was perceived to engage in some form of child maltreatment.13 The link between parenting behaviors and child maltreatment suggests that interventions that promote positive parenting behaviors would also contribute to lower rates of child maltreatment among families served.

However, for both child abuse and parent stress, the average effect sizes were not different from zero, suggesting a lack of evidence for effects in these areas.108 Earlier meta - analytic reviews have also noted the lack of sizable effects in preventing child maltreatment — again citing the different intensity of surveillance of families in the treatment versus control groups as an explanation (though the authors did report that home visiting was associated with an approximately 25 percent reduction in the rate of childhood injuries).109 Another review focusing on the quality of the home environment also found evidence for a significant overall effect of home - visiting programs.110 More recently, Harriet MacMillan and colleagues published a review of interventions to prevent child maltreatment, and identified the Nurse - Family Partnership and Early Start programs as the most effective with regard to preventing maltreatment and childhood injuries.

Studies of HFA, NFP, and PAT find effects for certain subgroups of their samples, but show no overall impact of program participation on reductions in child maltreatment.

Although an NFP study conducted when children were 4 years old showed no effect, 18 another study found reductions in substantiated reports of child maltreatment 15 years after enrollment.19 Across a number of HFA studies there was no evidence of near - term effects on substantiated reports, 20,21,22,23 and there were no longer - term follow - up studies.

Results indicate that childhood maltreatment has persistent effects on the PTSD symptoms of IPV survivors, suggesting that child maltreatment may need to be addressed in addition to IPV during PTSD treatment.

In many instances, the quality of the research is not sufficient to draw conclusions about the effects of a given model on child maltreatment.8

To achieve safety, permanency, and well - being, child welfare professionals can implement trauma screening, functional and clinical assessment, and evidence - based interventions to address the effects of maltreatment or other traumatic events.

Child maltreatment in any form causes long - lasting harm to children's health and development, and in the United States alone carries a yearly estimated direct and indirect cost of over $ 100 billion in services to recognize the abuse, intervene, and address its detrimental effects.

The program of prenatal and infancy home visiting by nurses, tested with a primarily white sample, produced a 48 percent treatment - control difference in the overall rates of substantiated rates of child abuse and neglect (irrespective of risk) and an 80 percent difference for families in which the mothers were low - income and unmarried at registration.21 Corresponding rates of child maltreatment were too low to serve as a viable outcome in a subsequent trial of the program in a large sample of urban African - Americans, 20 but program effects on children's health - care encounters for serious injuries and ingestions at child age 2 and reductions in childhood mortality from preventable causes at child age 9 were consistent with the prevention of abuse and neglect.20, 22

In general, the research shows that home visiting programs have the greatest, albeit modest, effect on parents» support for children's learning and in reducing the prevalence of child maltreatment, but that these effects are strongest for the most disadvantaged program participants.

Estimating the Effects of Head Start on Parenting and Child Maltreatment Zhai, Waldfogel, & Brooks - Gunn (2013) Children and Youth Services Review, 35 (7) View Abstract Examines the effects of Head Start participation on parenting and child maltreatment in a large and diverse sample of low - income families in large U.S. cities using data from the Fragile Families and Child Well - Being SChild Maltreatment Zhai, Waldfogel, & Brooks - Gunn (2013) Children and Youth Services Review, 35 (7) View Abstract Examines the effects of Head Start participation on parenting and child maltreatment in a large and diverse sample of low - income families in large U.S. cities using data from the Fragile Families and Child Well - Maltreatment Zhai, Waldfogel, & Brooks - Gunn (2013) Children and Youth Services Review, 35 (7) View Abstract Examines the effects of Head Start participation on parenting and child maltreatment in a large and diverse sample of low - income families in large U.S. cities using data from the Fragile Families and Child Well - Being Schild maltreatment in a large and diverse sample of low - income families in large U.S. cities using data from the Fragile Families and Child Well - maltreatment in a large and diverse sample of low - income families in large U.S. cities using data from the Fragile Families and Child Well - Being SChild Well - Being Study.

The effects of maltreatment and associated risk factors vary as a function of the type of child maltreatment.

Additionally, EFFECT aims to increase protective factors — family functioning and resilience, social support, knowledge of parenting and child development, concrete support, and nurturing and attachment — to reduce the risk of child maltreatment and to promote positive family wellbeing.

Medical costs attributable to child maltreatment a systematic review of short - and long - term effects.

EFFECT aims to improve children's wellbeing by helping fathers become more involved, responsible, and committed to their children through parent education skills, guidance, and support systems.17 Additionally, EFFECT aims to increase protective factors — family functioning and resilience, social support, knowledge of parenting and child development, concrete support, and nurturing and attachment — to reduce the risk of child maltreatment and to promote positive family wellbeing.18 In addition to investing in fatherhood programs through EFFECT, Texas is committed to considering a broader system of supports for fathers.