Mayor Bloomberg just dropped a report that demonstrates
elections in states with nonpartisan redistricting are considerably more competitive across the board than in places like New York where the process is political and directly controlled by elected officials.
Not exact matches
Apart from fragile capital positions and weak economic growth, European banks will have to deal
with crucial
elections in core member
states: Germany, France, the Netherlands, and potentially
in Italy.
While the renewable industry has gained momentum
in recent years, «the battle certainly got tougher»
with the
election of Trump, said Dan Kammen, an energy expert at the University of California, Berkeley and science envoy for the U.S.
State Department.
Clinton had leads so healthy
in Wisconsin, for instance, that she entered
Election Day
with a 6.5 - point average advantage
in the
state.
Since the weekend allegations that Cambridge Analytica, which worked
with Donald Trump's 2016 presidential
election team, misused Facebook data, regulators
in the United
States and Europe have been demanding answers.
In the meantime, Canada has been keeping close tabs on the United
States» presidential
election with a social media campaign, «Tell America It's Great» trending on Twitter a few weeks ago and» #MeanwhileInCanada» trending on
election night.
Moon estimated that
in 16
states with a total of 278 votes
in the Electoral College, «the Negro,
in a close
election, may hold the balance of power.»
Dip
in share prices and bond yields, along
with the upcoming
election has had an impact on the
state of the global economy, causing a setback
in business travel growth.
If Browder's claims are accurate, then, Russia's interference
in the U.S.
election may have had as much to do
with defending Vladimir Putin's vast personal wealth as
with advancing Russian
state interests.
It requires
states and local governments
with a history of racial and ethnic discrimination, mainly
in the South, to get advance approval either from the Justice Department or the federal court
in Washington before making any changes that affect
elections.
In late August, Yahoo broke news that foreign hackers had breached the state Board of Elections websites in Illinois and Arizona, which the FBI's cyber division followed up with an alert to election officials across the nation to increase voting system securit
In late August, Yahoo broke news that foreign hackers had breached the
state Board of
Elections websites
in Illinois and Arizona, which the FBI's cyber division followed up with an alert to election officials across the nation to increase voting system securit
in Illinois and Arizona, which the FBI's cyber division followed up
with an alert to
election officials across the nation to increase voting system security.
Among the
states whose economies rely most heavily on trade
with Canada and Mexico, the top five — Michigan, Texas, North Dakota, Kentucky and Indiana — all went for Trump
in the November
election.
The list of the top 10 that lost the most sleep was understandably stacked
with East Coast
states, where the
election ended later
in the night due to the time difference.
Republicans
in South Carolina also were voting on Saturday
in the
state - by -
state contest to pick nominees for the Nov. 8
election,
with opinion polls showing front - runner Donald Trump trying to solidify his spot at the top of the pack and rivals Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio fighting for a second - place finish.
As a result, the United
States» wealthiest are increasingly resembling President George H.W. Bush, who lost a presidential
election in 1992
in part because he seemed to be out of touch
with the realities of everyday life, like shopping
in a supermarket.
This affects roughly 30 private colleges
with extremely large endowments, 22 of which are located
in states that traditionally tend to go blue
in Presidential
elections, such as New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and California.
We try to stay out of politics
in our annual rankings, but
in an
election year,
with 36
states choosing governors, that is next to impossible.
CNBC's Eamon Javers sits down
with Rajesh De the Former General Counsel for the National Security Agency; Michele Reagan the Secretary of
State of Arizona; and Mark Testoni the President and CEO of SAP National Security Services to talk about the concern of foreign interference
in this year's presidential
election.
If we consider how increasingly weaponized ad targeting has become, especially since this past summer when Google and Facebook consolidated our browsing histories into their user IDs, and we think about how anybody
in the world could target anyone else
in the United
States with surgical precision by their susceptibilities and propensities, maybe this
election was similar to a 9/11 moment, but non-violent and invisible, where we realize that our commercial infrastructure was used against us, and we don't realize it until after the catastrophe?
With two deeply unpopular nominees on the presidential ballot this year, the number of voters
in Maryland who wrote
in their own candidate for president more than tripled, according to
state election data.
The FEC enforces a «broad prohibition on foreign national activity
in connection
with elections in the United
States.»
«Given the importance of these
elections, especially 2018 —
with major
elections in the United
States, India, Brazil, Mexico, Pakistan, Hungary coming up soon — we just thought that that wasn't enough,» he said.
President Trump's lawyers filed two motions on Friday
in the United
States District Court
in California, where Daniels sued to get out of a nondisclosure agreement to stay quiet about her affair
with Trump ahead of the
election.
So we are dealing
with the irreconcilable fact that the Obama position threatens to lower living standards from 10 % to 20 % over the coming few years — making the United
States look more like Greece, Ireland and Latvia than what was promised
in the last presidential
election.
With federal Labor promising to lift the emissions targets if it wins office at the next federal
election,
state Labor governments
in Victor...
More from Mike: «Republicans
in both chambers will have to contend
with the results of Tuesday's
elections,
in which
state and local Republicans were drubbed by Democrats.
With the close presidential
election in 2016 and races
in divided national and
state legislatures, special
With the November
elections in the United
States, there's going to be a lot of uncertainty
in the marketplace.
With the close presidential
election in 2016 and races
in divided national and
state legislatures, special
elections have garnered extra
Victorian Treasurer Tim Pallas has unleashed a spending spree
in Tuesday's budget ahead of this year's
state election with a record $ 13.7 b infrastructure spend.
That said, a new leaf seems to have been turned this year
with hedge funds returning to positive flows
in the first quarter of 2017.1 Renewed interest has been spurred by the
election of Donald Trump as president of the United
States, which some industry experts are predicting should bring meaningful tax reform, deregulation and infrastructure spending that we think could prove a boon to hedge strategies.
The re-negotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement continues to drag on, but
with elections looming
in Mexico and the United
States, experts expect that a new sense of urgency should force a final agreement relatively soon.
And of course, we are seeing a lot of that
in the UK at the moment and there's a lot of that going on
in the [United]
States that we saw last year
with the presidential
election.
Now that she's
in such a weakened
state with the Italian
elections, he's
in no position to do anymore tightening or hawkish statements.
With the
election of Donald Trump
in the United
States, it's clear that there will be a big change
in the nation's approach to international relations and trade.
The meeting took place days before Flynn's resignation last week following a report
in The Washington Post that he had misled Vice President Pence about his discussions
in December of
election - related sanctions
with the Russian ambassador to the United
States.
By the way evidently you believe
in the bible so do you disagree
with «be fruitful and multiply (not to be confused
with be fruits and don't multiply
in this
election for a couple of
states) and Psalm 127 which says children are a blessing.
As long as the Republicans were winning presidential
elections with the robust support of evangelical voters, it seemed that evangelicals had swept the field of Protestant religion
in the United
States.
«I take issue
with the word to a certain degree, so I make a distinction between a capital E and a small e. I was
in the Caribbean
in 2004, watching the
election returns
with a group of friends, and when Fox News,
in a
state of delirious joy, announced that evangelicals had helped sway the
election, I realized this word has really been hijacked.
But its story from then until now has been one of a steady, stealthy comeback, culminating
in the landslide
election of May 2014, which brought Narendra Modi (a former RSS higher - up) and the BJP party to power
with a large majority
in India's powerful Lok Sabha (lower parliament) and
in many
state assemblies.
Wills began this book
in the wake of the Republican triumph
in the congressional
elections of 1994,
in which conservatives apparently rode to power on a wave of antigovernment sentiment, sentiment they promised to honor by taking out a contract on the national
state which they labeled a Contract
with America.
I would be willing to divide the country
in half
with 25
states all liberal and the other 25 all conservative and just have separate governments and separate
elections, etc..
So where I disagree
with Larison is his claim that «Conservatives actually know very well that they do not speak for a majority
in this country, and they are also well aware that changes that would allow for more direct, plebiscitary democracy, whether
in presidential
elections or
in passing legislation, would work to the detriment of their smaller
states and their overall political interests.»
This year's presidential
election in the United
States presents Christian voters
with an especially difficult choice.
and Guatemala (the real power brokers along
with the U.S. embassy and economic elites) agreed to U.S. plans for
elections in the 1980s after the United
States assured them that, following the
elections, their power would be enhanced through large increases
in military assistance.
The Catholic love affair
with the United
States of America is heading into rough and uncharted waters — and not only
in this 2016
election cycle, but for the foreseeable future.
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives
with a considerable involvement
in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes
in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham
in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in his relationships
with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat
in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in 1964; a battle over sex education
in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in Anaheim, California,
in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks
in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in West Virginia
in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently
in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the
election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency
in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation
with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had
in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and stat
in dealing
with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning
elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and
state.
In this
election, he notes, the Democrats took every
state north of the Mason - Dixon line except for Indiana and Ohio, while Republicans won every
state south of that line, along
with the Plains
states.
Romney runs strong
with the independents and they decide the
elections in the tossup
states.
For the first time
in Australia,
state elections in Tasmania
in 1989 brought five «Greens» into parliament, which resulted
in them having the balance of power
with the prospect of a major change
in direction
in environmental issues
in that
state.