Not exact matches
The
end of the world was at hand, and in view
of this ultimate and swiftly approaching
judgment day, personal readiness to meet it was the main desideratum, and personal
morals fit to meet it were described in terms
of the highest idealism.
His argument, part
of which appeared in these pages («Leading Children Beyond Good and Evil,» May 2000), is that
moral education as presently conceived almost inevitably
ends up by thinning out
moral content, removing the sharp edges
of judgment, avoiding normative traditions
of moral experience, and thus stifling the factors most crucial to the formation
of character.
As I have argued in these pages and elsewhere, the «presumption,» by detaching the just war way
of thinking from its proper political context» the right use
of sovereign public authority toward the
end of tranquillitas ordinis, or peace» tends to invert the structure
of classic just war analysis and turn it into a thin casuistry, giving priority consideration to necessarily contingent in bello
judgments (proportionality
of means, discrimination or noncombatant immunity) over what were always understood to be the prior ad bellum questions («prior» in that, inter alia, we can have a greater degree
of moral clarity about them).
President Carter's announcement at Notre Dame in 1977 that Americans had gotten over their «inordinate fear
of communism»» together with Secretary
of State Cyrus Vance's statement that Carter and Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev shared «similar dreams and aspirations about the most fundamental issues»» demonstrated that the degradation
of moral judgment into
moral posturing could coexist with breathtaking strategic myopia (and indeed
moral blindness) in minds for which the evocation
of the specter
of Vietnam marked an
end to
moral reasoning, or indeed any other form
of reasoning.