The convenient and specious separation of form and content in worship often lies at the heart of the broader
Evangelical movement as a means of facilitating inter-church alliances and building consensus has, I suspect, spilled over into other Christian traditions too.
In the light of these findings and the statistics on audience sizes for these programs, the paid - time religious programs appear not as a major thrust fully supported and influential on
the evangelical movement as a whole, but as a rather small subculture within evangelicalism.
And with this point, we are back once again to Packer's place in
the Evangelical movement as a whole: How did such a committed Anglican, a Puritan in spirituality, and a Calvinist in theology, come to inspire the veneration of a kind of Evangelical popedom?
More broadly we may ask how Wesley would view the contemporary
evangelical movement as a whole.
In light of the last few weeks, the American conservative
evangelical movement as a whole has been exposed as theologically thin in its doctrine and historically eccentric in its priorities.
Not exact matches
Complicating matters further is Osteen's association with the prosperity gospel
movement, and the related «Word of Faith»
movement popular in some
evangelical circles, which teaches that believing Christians can harness the power of prayerful speech: to reap material and financial rewards in this life
as well
as the next.
It is a thinly disguised attempt by the
Evangelical Christian
movement to present their religious beliefs
as such.
Twenge and Campbell correctly lay much of the blame for the epidemic at the feet of the self - esteem
movement, which has been enormously influential, not only in the spheres of popular psychology and education, but also
as a central tenet of the «gospel of success» message heard in many
evangelical megachurches.
Before the 1970s,
evangelicals voted
as often for Democrats
as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights
movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.
As mainline Protestantism ceased to be a culture - forming force in American public life, the void was filled by a new Catholic presence in the public square and, perhaps most influentially in electoral terms, by the emergent activism of evangelical, fundamentalist, and Pentecostal Protestantism in what would become known as the Religious Right» a movement that has formed a crucial part of the Republican governing coalition for more than a quarter - centur
As mainline Protestantism ceased to be a culture - forming force in American public life, the void was filled by a new Catholic presence in the public square and, perhaps most influentially in electoral terms, by the emergent activism of
evangelical, fundamentalist, and Pentecostal Protestantism in what would become known
as the Religious Right» a movement that has formed a crucial part of the Republican governing coalition for more than a quarter - centur
as the Religious Right» a
movement that has formed a crucial part of the Republican governing coalition for more than a quarter - century.
But in 1974 at the second national workshop of
Evangelicals for Social Action, one proposal that was endorsed
as a valid way to implement the Chicago Declaration of
Evangelical Social Concern called for a movement of evangelical, nonviolent dir
Evangelical Social Concern called for a
movement of
evangelical, nonviolent dir
evangelical, nonviolent direct action.
Do you think that, in criticizing certain expressions of the modern
evangelical movement for being political / anti-intellectual, some of us have simply become (
as Mike said in a comment at the end of my post) «total snobs»?
Evangelicals who are receptive to and seek to appropriate the work of such writers
as Alasdair MacIntyre, Charles Taylor, Nicholas Wolterstorff, and others also direct theological reflection in the same tidal
movements as postliberalism.
said Knapp, who used to identify
as evangelical but now disassociates herself from the
movement.
As Richard Rohr said, «the evangelical support of Trump will be an indictment against its validity as a Christian movement for generations to come.&raqu
As Richard Rohr said, «the
evangelical support of Trump will be an indictment against its validity
as a Christian movement for generations to come.&raqu
as a Christian
movement for generations to come.»
Like the American Negroes who adopted the word «black» from the enemy and flung it back, or the feminists who accept «witch» and «bitch»
as badges of honor, Dobson and Hindson are in a mood and
movement that take fundamentalism back
as a banner for pride and boasting and wave it in the faces of the, in their view, waning
evangelicals.
For all of its diversity and debate,
as a renewal
movement, Evangelicalism can facilitate conversions that lead persons back to the Great Tradition if
Evangelicals themselves remain committed to the cultivation of a broad Christian culture.
The Emergent
movement always struck me
as a way to introduce mainstream Protestant theology into the
Evangelical church, without all the baggage of a larger church structure and oversight.
I once attended a lecture in which a right - wing
evangelical speaker used isolated examples of eco-terrorism to paint the entire green
movement as having a «violent, anti-Christian agenda.»
This
evangelical attitude came
as a shock, for initially I had thought that the
movement was simply a «Jews for Jesus» extension of previous Hebrew Christian evangelistic organizations that also had been opposed by both Christians and Jews.
It was this social and critical dimension, understood
as an intrinsic part of
evangelical and pietistic commitment, that gave the early missionary
movement its distinctive character.
Here the center of controversy has been another Fuller theologian, Paul K. Jewett, who also serves
as dean of the Young Life Institute offering theological education to the staff of a popular
evangelical youth
movement.
At the same time, it provides grounds for a sympathetic critique of the charismatic
movement's foibles,
as well
as of the foibles of
evangelicals and social activists.
The Baptist tradition finds a place within this narrative
as a distinctive reform
movement within the wider
evangelical renewal, a reform within the reform, so to say.
Although Biblical authority is asserted
as a hallmark of the
movement, it is daily called into question by the independent and contradictory theological opinions which are being given dogmatic status by
evangelical writers.
From Karl:
As someone who submitted as an adult to an ancient branch of the Christian faith, what do you make of the «emerging church» movement within (primarily) American evangelical and post-evangelical protestantis
As someone who submitted
as an adult to an ancient branch of the Christian faith, what do you make of the «emerging church» movement within (primarily) American evangelical and post-evangelical protestantis
as an adult to an ancient branch of the Christian faith, what do you make of the «emerging church»
movement within (primarily) American
evangelical and post-
evangelical protestantism?
A new mood, if not
movement, in North American
evangelical theology can be described
as «postconservative.»
On the other hand, pentecostally oriented
evangelical churches, such
as the Johannesburg - based Rhema Church
movement,
as well
as the African indigenous churches, such
as the Zion Christian Church (whose worldview is an amalgam of Christian teaching and traditional African religious expression), have experienced an explosion of membership.
God's terminal illness — which Harrington believes is not being stayed by the so - called
evangelical movement or other manifestations of a renewed religiosity — has given rise to other liturgies which are not
as well developed
as that of what Hegel called revealed religion.
This
movement began inside
Evangelical churches, though, and emphasizes the work of the Spirit in the life of the believer just
as Pentecostal and charismatic churches do.
Now, I completely agree that among
evangelical writers, pastors, and speakers, the «emerging church»
as a cohesive
movement is clearly a thing of the past.
Not everyone on the board endorsed Trump — but they agreed to consult with him
as he reached out to an
evangelical movement solidly split between the already on - board, the hesitant, and the decidedly #NeverTrump.
And yet that's the way it is with genuine community, and especially with a
movement as dynamic and passionate
as evangelical Christianity.
These
movements, followed by Methodism and the
evangelical revival, focused on inner subjective experience, just
as the charismatic
movements have been doing in the late twentieth century.
It's all an outcome of the
evangelical movement that has created a kind of sub-culture, and view main - line Protestants and Catholics
as non-Christian.
If anything, Trump's candidacy is revealing the inner secularization of the
evangelical movement, where
evangelical no longer means something many would recognize
as properly Christian, Westminster Seminary — California professor Michael Horton wrote for CT..
The
Evangelicals who spoke of sin in personal rather than in structural terms, and put great stress on personal conversions and growth in holiness, were very much upset by this new emphasis within the ecumenical
movement on mission
as humanization.
Consequently, one sad result of the integration was that several of the
evangelical groups, who were associated with the International Missionary Council, and through it with the ecumenical
movement as a whole, now felt alienated from the ecumenical
movement as represented by the World Council of Churches.
A large part of the problem here,
as I pointed out in a recent CTS booklet entitled Protestantism from a Catholic Perspective, is that those members of the intelligentsia who dominate in the media despise the
evangelical movements.
Not everyone on the board endorses Trump — but they've agreed to consult with him
as he continues to reach out to an
evangelical movement solidly split between the already on - board, the hesitant, and the decidedly #NeverTrump.
The revival
movements of the 18th and 19th centuries, including John Wesley's Methodist
movement, also identified
as evangelical.
Balmer wrote his book, however,
as an
evangelical who wanted to recover what he considered to be the heart of the
movement, which was its late - nineteenth - century coalition of conservative theology and progressive social activism around the poor, women, and ethnic minorities.
As late as the 1980s, the notion that God was not indifferent to America was not only widespread; it was an ingredient in the politically vibrant Evangelical movement that helped elect Ronald Reagan and the elder Bus
As late
as the 1980s, the notion that God was not indifferent to America was not only widespread; it was an ingredient in the politically vibrant Evangelical movement that helped elect Ronald Reagan and the elder Bus
as the 1980s, the notion that God was not indifferent to America was not only widespread; it was an ingredient in the politically vibrant
Evangelical movement that helped elect Ronald Reagan and the elder Bush.
As a loose coalition of conservative Protestants, evangelicalism has always been a fragmented movement held together by a common mission, and by organizations such as the National Association of Evangelical
As a loose coalition of conservative Protestants, evangelicalism has always been a fragmented
movement held together by a common mission, and by organizations such
as the National Association of Evangelical
as the National Association of
Evangelicals.
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply
as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the
movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of
evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or,
as we usually put it, between church and state.
What if
evangelicals today, instead of focusing on «evangelizing» and «converting» people, were to begin to think of Jesus not
as starting a new religion, but
as the central figure of a
movement that transcends religious distinctions and identities?
When I say that ecumenism is a central
evangelical concern, I refer to the fact of evangelicalism
as a global missionary
movement intent on preaching the Gospel to every person in the world.
• Even if one agrees with Mark Noll, who is perhaps the most distinguished
Evangelical historian we have, Dale at least offers a helpful insight into the history and thought of a
movement most other Christians in America tend to dismiss
as rubes, fundamentalists, reactionaries, crazies (snake handling?
As evangelicals continue to find common ground with these causes, we asked those who have previously either spoken up on behalf of the #BlackLivesMatter or pro-life
movements what the two can learn from one another.
As I mentioned in the last post, those of us raised in the conservative
evangelical subculture during the apologetics
movement of the 80s and 90s grew up with the charge to «always be ready to give an answer» in defense of the Christian faith.